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Cl'O 



SPECIAL LIMITED EDITION OF 
ONE THOUSAND COPIES OF 
WHICH THIS IS NO. 




THOMAS COLLIER PLATT 
II 



The Autobiography 



OF 



Thomas CoUier Piatt 



Wltli Tiventy Poiiraits 
in Sepia Photogravure 



COMPILED AND EDITED 
BY 

LOUIS J. LANG 

r 

WITH xVDDENDA 



NEW YORK 

B. W. DODGE & COMPANY 

1910 



?1^ 



Copyrighted 1910, by 
WILLIAM RICKEY 



(All rights reserved) 



PBINTED IN THB CMTBD STATES OF AmBTCA. 



'CI.AL'73850 



DEDICATED TO MY 

*'OLD GUARD" 



August 2, 1909. 
To Whom it May Concern : 

I hereby certify that this book of memoirs is 

compiled and edited by Mr. Louis J. Lang, with 

my consent and approval, and I grant to him 

the exclusive right to arrange for its publication. 

Very truly yours, 



CONTENTS 



Chapter I 
1833-1853 
Ancestry— Boyhood— Yale Student— Druggist— Marriage. 

C H A PT E K II 

1853-1860 
I Begin my Political Career as a Warbler— Lead Fremont Glee 
Club— Songs it Sang— First Office— Writer of Advertise- 
ments — Editor and Poet. 

Chapter III 
1860-1873 
I Help to Elect Lincoln— Join Conkling and Arthur in Ele- 
vating Grant to the Presidency— Nominated but Refuse 
Congressional Honors — Renominated and Elected — Become 
Conkling's Lieutenant, and Aid in Building Up the New 
York Organization. 

Chapter IV 
1873-1879 
Enlist in the Congressional Fight for Specie-Payment Resump- 
tion and other Grant Legislation— I Espouse Conkling's 
Candidacy for President, but Hayes is Nominated— Sup- 
port Hayes against Tilden in Electoral Commission Con- 
test — First Important Speech in the House — Unite with 
Conkling in Revolt against Hayes— President Tries to Dis- 
rupt the Party— I Excoriate Hayes at Rochester Conven- 
tion—Hayes-Curtis Faction Beaten— I Become a Member 
of the First "Big Four"— Aid in Nomination and Election 
of Cornell for Governor — My First State Office. 

Chapter V 

1879-1880 
Get In behind Grant for a Third Term- Conkling's "Appo- 
mattox Apple Tree" Speech Nominating Grant— Garfield 
Wins after Sensational Struggle— Sherman, the Icicle— My 
Brothers, the "306"— How Death Has Mown Down All but 
Seven— A Eulogy for the Heroes. 

ix 



The Aidobwiirapiiii of Thomas Collier Piatt 



Chapter VI 
1880-1881 
Conkling Declines to Aid Garfield — He and Grant Take the 
Field When I Exact Pledges from the Candidate — Garfield 
Elected — His Written Thanks for My Services. 

Chapteu VII 
1881-1882 
Initial Election to the U. S. Senate— Garfield Repudiates His 
Promises to Me — Conkling and I Resign — We Appeal to the 
Legislature — Both Defeated for Reelection — Genesis of the 
Stalwart-Half-Breed Imbroglio — Garfield Assassinated— 
Arthur President — Lives of Arthur, Conkling and Myself 
Threatened. 

Chapter VIII 
1882-1884 
Am Instrumental in Choosing Folger for Governor — Origin and 
History of the Famous "Forged Telegram"— Half-breeds 
Knife and Defeat Folger— Conkling Quits Politics and Sur- 
renders the Titular Leadership to Me — I Rehabilitate the 
Machine and Elect the State Ticket. 

C H A P T E n IX 
1884-1887 
I Disown Arthur for Following Garfield's Practices — Advocate 
Blaine's Nomination for the Presidency— Oppose Roosevelt, 
Curtis, et ah. Who Favor Edmunds — Blaine Nominated — 
Mugwumps Massacre Him — Cleveland President — Esti- 
mates of Arthur and Blaine. 

Chapter X 

1887-1888 
I Join in Electing Hiscock U. S. Senator — Remarkable and 
Unprecedented Feat of Swinging the Entire Morton Pha- 
lanx to Hiscock to Defeat Miller. 

Chapter XI 
1888 
I am Removed by Governor Hill from the Quarantine Commis- 
sionership — The Trial a Farce — Acrimonious Correspon- 
dence with the Judge Who Presided— My Friends Cause 
His Permanent Retirement from the Bench. 

X 



'rhe Autobio^rapluf of Thomas Collier Flatt 



C II A r T K u XII 
1888-1891 
My Part in the National Convention of 1888~How We Nom- 
inated Harrison for President— Quay and I Carry New 
York for Him— The Promised Secretaryship of the Treas- 
ury Refused Me— The Spanish Mission Offered and De- 
clined — I Nominate Fassett for Governor — Flower Wins- 
New Plans for My Burial — Advice to Young Men to be 
Active in Politics. 

Chapter XIII 
1891-1899 
Tammany Corruption Compels Me to Direct Three Legislative 
Inquiries — Startling Disclosures of New York City Malad- 
ministration by the Fassett, Lexow and Mazet Committees 
— Laws Enacted to Correct the Abuses Revealed. 

Chapter XIV 
1892-1893 
Harrison Provokes Quarrels with Reed, Quay, McKinley, Myself 
and Other Influential Republicans — Appoints Our Enemies 
to Office — Retaliatory Opposition to His Renomination — 
We Put Blaine against Him — Harrison Renamed, but Badly 
Defeated by Cleveland — Sketch of Harrison. 

C H A P T E K XV 

1893-1894 
Reconstruction of the Party in New York after Bitter Fac- 
tional Battle — Ante-nomination Pledges of Mayor Strong 
and How He Deliberately Broke Them — My Differences 
with Whitelaw Reid — His Attacks and My Roland for His 
Oliver — McKinley Heeds My Protest against Reid's Going 
to the Court of St. James's. 

C H A P T E B XVI 
1894-1897 
I Choose Morton for Governor, and He is Elected — Creation of 
the Greater New York and Framing of Great Excise and 
Election Measures — Morton-McKinley Contest for the Pres- 
idency — The Gold Plank Controversy and How I Won it — 
Why I Refused a Nomination for Governor and Named 
Black. 

xi 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 



Chapter XVII 

1897-1898 

Am Reelected to the U. S. Senate — How I Defeated Choate— 
Catlin-Storrs Dispute Over My Candidacy— My Speech of 
Acceptance — Why Tracy Was Nominated for Mayor of 
New York — My Opinion of Low and the Citizens' Union. 

Chapter XVIII 

1898-1900 

I Nominate Roosevelt for Governor — Seeks to Withdraw, but 
Agrees to Stick when I Ask Him: "Is the Hero of San 
Juan a Coward?" — Elected — Roosevelt Consults with Me, 
but Does as He Pleases — Controversy Over Franchise Tax 
and Other Propositions at Albany. 

Chaptek XIX 
1900-1901 
How and Why I Nominated Roosevelt for Vice-President — 
Promoted, Not Shelved— Murder of McKinley— Roosevelt 
President— Strives to Carry Out McKinley Policies— Esti- 
mate of the Martyred President. 

Chapter XX 
1901 

Low's Nomination for Mayor, and How it was Engineered — 
He Fails to Turn the Tammany Rascals Out — Their Reten- 
tion and Alliance with Mugwumps Drive Him from OflBce. 

Chapter XXI 
1901-1906 

How I Made Odell Governor — At Odds with Him about Ap- 
pointments and Legislation— The Governor Plays for the 
State Leadership — Defeats Sheldon for Lieutenant-Gover- 
nor and Names Higgins — Barely Reelected — Forces Reor- 
ganization of the Party and Lops off Heads of My Friends 
—I am Reelected to the Senate — Dispute with Odell Over 
Ousting State Chairman Dunn— Roosevelt and Fairbanks 
Nominated— Higgins Beats Woodruff— My Final National 
and State Contests— Who and What Hughes is. 

xii 



The Autohiograpluj of Thomas Collier Piatt 



cu AFTER xxir 

Laws Promoted and Enacted at Albany— Excise and Election 
Reform Statutes Approved by My Direction — Testimony of 
Raines, Kelsey, Barnes and Others as to the Wisdom of 
the Attitude I Assumed — Liquor Tax Law Put Through 
Despite a Seventy Thousand Dollar Bribery Fund. 

Chapter XXIII 

The "Amen Corner" — The Hallowed Spot in which Presidents, 
Governors and Other Men of Note Were Chosen — The 
Trysting Place where Leaders of All Parties Swapped 
Political Yarns and Decided the Destinies of the Nation 
and State — Dignitaries Who Have Sat and Counseled 
There — Pathetic Farewell Ceremonies. 

Chapter XXIV 

Clarkson's Review of My Stewardship — "Legislation Made 
Better and More Progressive" — "Four Great Governors" — 
I Nursed No Revenge, but Erred on the Side of Forgiving 
Enmity or Wrong. 

Chapter XXV 

Making of Faithful and Unmaking of Disloyal Organization 
Men — List of the Devoted Rewarded and Instances of Dis- 
cipline Administered to the Insubordinate — Fassett, Brook- 
field, Worth and Others Punished for Mutiny — Rules 
which Must Be Enforced to Maintain a Successful Party 
and Machine — "God Bless Thomas Collier Piatt!" — Finis. 

Addenda 

Piatt President Maker and Financier — Provocation for Issue 
of His Memoirs Due to Quarrel with Odell — How He 
Acquired the "Easy Boss" Title — The First Federal .Job 
He Got for Roosevelt and How a $60,000 Campaign Con- 
tribution Made the Rough Rider Governor — Home Life — 
Development of the United States Express Company from 
a Pigmy to a Giant. 

• • • 

Xlll 



LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS 

PAGE 

Thomas Collier Platt Frontispiece 

Mrs. Thomas C. Platt 5 

Birthplace of T. C. Platt 32 

Gen. U. S. Grant 50 

Thomas Collier Platt, 1873 66 

James A. Garfield 98 

roscoe conkling 138 

Rutherford B. Hayes 1 '9 

Chester A. Arthur 1 ' 9 

Grover Cleveland 1 ' 9 

James G. Blaine 188 

Benjamin Harrison 204 

Thomas Collier Platt. 1S02 226 

Levi P. Morton 296 

B. B. Odell, Jr 296 

David B. Hill 296 

William McKinlkv 328 

Theodore Roosevelt 384 

Timothy L. Woodruff 421 

Frank W. Higgins 421 

John Ravines 421 

Chauncey M. Depew 448 

Elihu Root 448 

Frank S. Black 448 

Charles E. Hughes 463 

T. C. Platt's Birthday Party 466 

J. Sloat Fassett 486 

Mark Hanna 486 

Matthew S. Quay 486 

William H. Taft 502 

XV 



INTRODUCTION 

In presenting, at the request of members of 
my Old Guard, memoirs of a life now within 
striking distance of its eightieth year, I am re- 
minded that Alexander Hamilton once wrote 
George Washington : 

''No man has ever written a true biography of 
himself, but that he was apt to blame himself 
excessively, or to be too prone to self-defense. 
An autobiography is written either from vanity 
to present a man favorably to posterity, or be- 
cause he desires, for his own pleasure, in the 
study of himself, to recall the events of his 
career." 

I do not intend to blame myself excessively. 
Nor am I inclined to a general defense of public 
acts. I make no confession of vanity. Neither 
do I make any apologies. During the greater 
portion of fifty-three years spent in the political 
arena, I have been the target for many arrows. 
My words and deeds have often been either ig- 
norantly or maliciously misunderstood and mis- 
construed. At times my very life has been threat- 
ened by those who preferred to take snap judg- 
ment, rather than inquire what actually inspired 
me in the promotion of the principles of a, party 

xvii 



The Autohiograplii) of Thoma.s Collier Piatt 

which, I am proud to say, I helped in an humble 
way to found. 

That which is set down in the forthcoming 
pages comprises incontrovertible facts, easily cor- 
roborated by my associates, many of whom, like 
myself, were sponsors at the birth and the chris- 
tening of the Republican party. They have stood 
shoulder to shoulder with me, fighting its battles, 
neither asking nor giving quarter. 

Starting as a warbler of campaign songs for 
Fremont in 1856, I have, through the suffrages of 
the people, been elected to high offices I never 
sought. The party for over a score of years 
recognized me as its leader in the Empire State — 
a commonwealth containing three times the popu- 
lation of the American colonies when they re- 
belled against the tyranny of King George. 

Twice chosen to the House of Representatives 
against my personal wishes; thrice elected United 
States Senator from this imperial State; main- 
tained in the party leadership until, because of 
physical infirmities, I was compelled to release the 
reins to a younger and more virile lieutenant — 
honors from my own State should adequately 
answer calumnies which have been incessantlv 
hurled at me. 

To one charge I plead guilty. T did contribute 
toward transforming a once Democratic State in- 
to an impregnable Republican stronghold. To 
another charge. General James S. Clarkson, for- 
mer Chairman of the Republican National Com- 

xviii 



Tlie Autohio^rnpfii/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

mittee, replies that I saved the election of three 
Republican Presidents. They were James A. 
Garfield, Benjamin Harrison and William 
McKinley. 

I have rejoiced in the personal and political 
confidence of Presidents Abraham Lincoln, 
Ulysses S. Grant, Chester A. Arthur, William 
McKinley and Theodore Eoosevelt, I have been 
most happy in the company of such Stalwarts as 
Roscoe Conkling, Matthew S. Quay, James S. 
Clarkson, Thomas B. Reed, Charles W. Fairbanks, 
William B. Allison, Russell A. Alger, Joseph H. 
Manley, GaiTet A. Hobart and Samuel Fessenden. 
With such intrepid comrades I have fought suc- 
cessfully for an honest dollar-for-dollar currency, 
a protective tariff, and other great and vital is- 
sues which the people have so overwhelmingly en- 
dorsed that during the period since the Republi- 
can party came into being it has won eleven of the 
fourteen national contests. 

As a member of the rank and file, and then as 
chief of the Republican organization, I have aided 
in giving to New York State ten of the eighteen 
governors elected since the Republican party wore 
swaddling clothes. I was a worker in the infant 
State organization when Edwin D. Morgan, who 
distinguished himself as the Civil War governor, 
was chosen the first Republican chief magistrate; 
when Reuben E. Fenton supplanted Horatio Sey- 
mour, and was at the front when John A. Dix, 
of ''Shoot-him-on-the-spot" celebrity, entered the 

xix 



TJie xiutoh'w^raplni of Thomas Collier Piatt 

executive chamber at Albany. I was the stanch 
supporter of Alouzo B. Cornell. I was the politi- 
cal godfather of Governors Levi P. Morton, Frank 
S. Black, Theodore Roosevelt and Benjamin B. 
Odell, Jr. I also was influential in securing to 
the people Eepublican Legislatures continuously, 
with two exceptions, from 1883 to the present 
day. 

AVere I asked why I became a Eepublican I 
might reply that I could not be a Democrat. 
Early in life I became a believer in the Hamil- 
tonian theory of politics. From that time I have 
held consistently to the doctrine of government 
by party, and rule of the party by the regular 
organization. 

I have been accused of squaring principles to 
the rule of the party, rather than squaring party 
rule to principles. ^ly friend, St. Clair McKel- 
way, has written: ''Mr. Piatt looks upon princi- 
ples as something to help the party to obtain 
and retain power, rather than upon party as 
something organized to advance and enforce 
principles." 

I am much impressed with Dr. McKel way's 
perspicacity. Ever have I been the implacable 
foe of hjTDOcritical and fraudulent shams, per- 
petrated and perpetuated by professional civil 
sei-vice reformers. From the outset I have con- 
tended that a party intrusted by the people with 
the control of the government is responsible for 
that government, and is entitled to man the ofli- 

XX 



The AufoJ)i()iiTaph// of Thaw as ('oilier Plait 

ces with fit representatives of that party. If the 
people lose faitli in that party they will surely 
drive it from ]^ower. I have experienced intense 
personal delight in driving out of the ]:)arty the 
guerillas, jay-hawkers and sycophants who have 
tried to shoot it to death from ambush and who 
have courted favor by mean adulation. 

Invariably has the party and the organization 
been strengthened by the casting out of such 
characters. 

I drifted into politics— just drifted. I drift- 
ed into Congress. I also drifted into the party 
leadership, as I drifted out. Never was I am- 
bitious for place. There came a time when po- 
litical friends simply patted me on the back and 
called me leader. Apparently I had done some- 
thing that endeared me to them and a majority 
of the Eepublican party. This was their man- 
ner of recognizing it. 

Let me observe right here that no leader can 
exist any longer than his party desires him. And 
no party can last longer than a majority of the 
people wish. I became leader because night and 
day I sought to ascertain public sentiment and 
get abreast of it. By personal contact and by 
correspondence, averaging at some periods five 
hundred letters daily, I learned what the people 
wanted. Then I did my best to give it to them. 
Thus I made myself acquainted with the thought 
of the masses upon the great national questions 
of abolition of slavery, the reconstruction act, 

xxi 



The Aut()hi()!j;r(ip]ni of Tliomas Collier Piatt 

currency, tariff and other propositions. Tims 
I discovered their preferences for President, for 
U. S. Senators and members of the House of 
Representatives. Thus I familiarized myself with 
their views about excise, ballot and municipal re- 
form, the creation of the Greater New York, and 
otlier projects which have agitated the State since 
I entered upon my career. In this way, too, I 
found it easy to gain my knowledge as to who 
was most available and likeliest to be elected for 
Governor, other State offices, members of the Leg- 
islature and municipal places. In choosing my 
subordinates I took pains to select only such as 
knew voters in their home districts almost as 
well as the members of their immediate families. 

The popular idea that in order to be a success- 
ful political leader, or a boss, one nmst possess 
ability to pull strings while puppets dance, is 
most absurd. It is not necessary to equip one's 
self with strings. Nor is it essential to make 
any persons dance. Conduct a political organ- 
ization as a general commands an army, or the 
head of a great business concern conducts its af- 
fairs, and you have solved the ])roblem. Political 
leaders are born. Few who asjiire to leadershij) 
attain it. Without the full confidence of his fol- 
lowers the leader's power dies. 

Let me impress upon those who seek political 
honors that tliey must first be honest. Then they 
must be faithful to the last blood-drop to their 
friends, diplomatic about making new ones, grate- 

yxii 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

ful and quick to reward service, regard a promise 
as sacred, fulfil it at the earliest possible oppor- 
tunity. Above all, they should march abreast oi" 
the people and strive to procure for them what 
they demand. 




XXIU 



The Autobiography of 
Thomas Colher Piatt 



CHAPTER I 

1833-1853 

How my father sought to make me a 'preacher — 
I become a pill doctor instead — I take a ivife, 
helpmeet and adviser. 

My original ancestor, Richard Piatt, came 
across the sea in 1638. He settled in New Mil- 
ford, Connecticut. My great-grandfather, and his 
father, were soldiers in the American Revolution- 
ary army. The former was captain in the Fourth 
Regiment of the line. He is mentioned in Los- 
sing's Field Book of the Revolution as one of the 
"distinguished patriots who constituted the Com- 
mittee of Safetv at White Plains in 1776." A 
year before he represented New York in the Pro- 
vincial Congress. My father, William Piatt, was 
a lawA'er, long in practice at Owego, N. Y. My 
mother was Lesbia Hinchman, whose ancestors 
hailed from Jamaica, L. I. The male members 
of her family were soldiers of the Revolutionary 
and Colonial wars. 

Such was my lineage. 

I was born at Owego, July 15, 1833. I was 

1 



The Aut(jJ)iof(rapJtf/ of Thomas Collier Plait 

the youngest of five sons. iNfy brothers were 
William Hinchman, Frederick Edward, Edward, 
and Humphrey. There were four sisters : Stella 
Avery, Susan Calhoun, Emily Elizabeth, and 
Anna. But one of the eight is living. She is Mrs. 
Emily Elizabeth Skinner, of Owego. 

My father had Puritanical ideas. He was a 
blue-blooded Presbyterian, and sought to bring 
up his children in that faith. Early in my boy- 
hood, father informed me that I must prepare 
for the ministry. As a preliminary education, 
I was compelled to attend family prayers daily; 
go to church at least twice and maybe three times, 
and to school once on Sunday. My Sabbath Day 
recreation — the only one allowed me — was the 
rather gruesome habit of walking in the \'illage 
cemetery. 

So firmly was my father's mind made up that 
I should become a preacher, that each Sunday 
he invited a clergjnnan or two to dine with us. 
Wliile partaking of food cooked on Saturday — 
for father would permit the serving of nothing 
hot except tea and coffee on the Sabbath Day — 
our clerical guests endeavored to convince me of 
the attractiveness of their calling. 

I was not at all favorably impressed. T might 
have been had I not been forced to listen to them. 

AT YALE 

After a rudimentary course at the Owego 
Academy I entered Yale College. I was sixteen 



Tlie Auiohiogrdplnj of Thomas Collier Piatt 

years old. My father's purpose was, that after 
securing the degree of Bachelor of Arts I should 
go after that of Doctor of Divinity. Ere my cur- 
riculum ended I was constrained, because of ill 
health, to leave the institution. I had hoped to 
graduate with the class of 1853. Though unable 
to finish and get my sheepskin, I managed to win 
a prize for Latin translation, attested by Presi- 
dent Woolsey, Twenty-three years later there 
was bestowed upon me the honorary degree of 
Master of Arts. 

Returning home, I sought first to mend my shat- 
tered health. By rowing, swimming across the 
Susquehanna, playing the old-fashioned game of 
patch baseball, and other outdoor sports, I suc- 
ceeded so well, that my father renewed his argu- 
ments that I go back to Yale and study for the 
ministry. The suggestion was so distasteful that 
I pleaded for a chance to go into business. 

A DRUGGIST 

For years I had nursed the longing to become 
a druggist. Very reluctantly father consented to 
my learning to put up prescriptions. I went be- 
hind the counter of a small local drug store, and 
gradually acquainted myself with the secret of 
compounding pills. Ultimately I saved enough 
money to make part payment on the purchase of 
a drug establishment, and proudly hoisted my own 
sign along with a young friend, Frederic K. 

3 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Hull. With a few hundred dollars in my pocket, 
I married Ellen Lucy Barstow, of Owego, Decem- 
ber 12, 1852. 

WIFE. HELPMEET, ADVISER 

If ever a man was blessed in a wife, it was T. 
To her I owe much of whatever has made for suc- 
cess and uplift during the subsequent years. Mrs. 
Piatt was a woman in whose splendid loyal nature 
was combined a fine discrimination, keen intui- 
tion, and cool-headed judgment which never failed 
me at any crisis or exigency during the almost 
half century we traveled the road of life together. 
Her counsel, sagacious always, came to my aid 
in matters of politics, and (for I used to make her 
my confidante in the things which were vital to 
any and all my interests) I invariably found it 
unerring. It was never the expedient with her. 
It was the same conservative judgment of a 
woman of deep convictions and unflinching char- 
acter. She would stoop to no mean thing. Right 
was always right to Ellen Piatt. 

In the tenderer relations, as mother, home- 
keeper, I look back upon her with the finest emo- 
tions that can possess a man; for no woman was 
more loval or devoted to her familv than she. 
She was at her best when her hair had grown 
gray, the strong and once smooth forehead had 
become seamed, the bloom of the cheeks had faded 
away. She never lost her youth of mind and 
heart though Time had implanted upon her fea- 

4 




MRS. THOMAS C. PLATT 



The AutobiograpJty of Thomas Collier Piatt 

turcs its outward signs. She lived again in her 
children and children's children. 

Three sons were born to us: Edward T., now 
superintendent of the U. S. Express Company; 
Frank H., a successful New York law^-er for a 
score of years; and Harry B., superintendent of 
the money order department of the U. S. Express 
Company, and vice-president of the Fidelity and 
Deposit Company of Maryland. From the be- 
ginning of my career, until death robbed me of 
her, February 13, 1901, Mrs. Piatt was constantly 
at my elbow. When in the early eighties we re- 
moved from Owego to New York, she fitted up 
for me a home-like suite of rooms at the Fifth 
Avenue Hotel. Night after night, while we wicked 
politicians connived for the public good, Mrs. 
Piatt worked at her embroidery. Now and then 
she would drop a word of sage advice to me. She 
probably knew more about political secrets and 
methods than any woman of her day in the East. 
But she never *' peached" on us. 



6 



CHAPTER II 

1853-1860 

/ start out as a political troubadour — Sing for 
Fremont — Mix a country clerk's duties ivith 
fashioning sketches of drugs I sell — As maga- 
zine editor I lurite verse for old folks and 
stories for children — Some of the bucolics and 
tales I inflicted upon Tioga Darby s and Joans. 

Early in 1853 the nation was in the throes of 
the slavery controversy. I became an intense abo- 
litionist. I observed with bated breath the union 
of Abraham Lincoln, William H. Seward, Horace 
Greeley and John Shei-man, Republicans; Henry 
Wilson, Henry Winter Davis and Ben Wade, 
Know Nothings; Hannibal Hamilton, Lyman 
Trumbull and Frank Blair, Democrats; Charles 
Sumner and Salmon P. Chase, Free Soilers; and 
Giddings, Garrison, Phillips and the Lovejoys, 
Abolitionists, to create a new party. That party 
was and is known to-day as the Republican party. 
It was formed for the final effacement of human 
slavery from the American continent. 

While at the drug counter I studied assiduously 
the speeches and acts of Thurlow Weed, William 
H. Seward and Horace Greeley, about whom the 

7 



The Aut(jhiofcr(ip}ni of Thomas Collier Piatt 

New York State AVhigs and ' ' Conscientious Demo- 
crats" rallied, and longed to be in their confidence. 
In this I was not satisfied. But later I did possess 
that of their lieirs, Hugh Hastings, Reuben E. 
Fenton and Roscoe Conkling. 

AS CAMPAIGN WARBLER 

I was not an orator. But I could sing some. 
At least I managed to master the tenor score of 
sacred music in the old Presbyterian church in 
Owego. So, when John C. Fremont was named 
as the first candidate of the Republican party in 
1856 for the Presidency, I concluded that I could 
help a little by warbling campaign ditties. I also 
made some attempts at composing the words and 
airs to the melodies. A number of us boys formed 
a glee club. My heart still thumps when I recall 
how nightly we used to clamber aboard hay-ricks, 
carry-alls, or any other available vehicle, and 
whirl about the coimties of Tioga and Tompkins, 
chanting the virtues of the Pathfinder and urging 
upon the people in canticles and verse why he 
ought to be President of the United States. 

My first aide was Charles A. Munger, a school- 
day chum. He developed rare ability in getting 
up musical campaign contributions. My ears still 
ring with the tunes and words composed by him. 
They contained satires upon Democrats, and 
eulogies of the pioneer who led the initial fight 
waged by the Republican party. 

8 



The Autohioi^raphij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

I was a rather gaunt, rangy fellow. A pictur- 
esque figure I made, some said, as, armed with 
tuning-fork, I beat time, while my comrades 
ground out political ballads. 

A favorite with us was the "Rallying Song." 
It was arranged to the air of the ''Marseillaise." 
It ran like this: 

Behold the storm is rolling, 

Which Border fiends, Confederates raise. 
The Dogs of War, let loose, are howling. 

And lo! our infinite cities hlaze. 
And shall we calmly view the ruin 

While lawless force, with giant stride. 

Spreads desolation far and wide. 
Its guilty blood its hands embruing? 

Chorus: 

Arise, arise, ye brave. 

And let our war cry be. 
Free Speech, Free Press, Free Soil, Free Men, 

Fremont and Victory! 

Another that our little band of political trouba- 
dours used to delight in reeling off was entitled 
**We All Give Them Jesse!" It was Sung to the 
air ''Wait for the Wagon." A verse from it 
reads : 

Ye friends of Freedom, rally now. 

And push the cause along. 
We have a glorious candidate, 

A platform broad and strong. 
Free Speech, Free Press, Free Soil, Fremont! 

We have no fears. 



Tlic Auiobio^rapJn/ of Thomas Collier Plait 



With such a battle cry 

We'll beat the Bu-chan-iers! 
We'll give them Jesse. 
We'll give them Jesse, 
We'll give them Jesse, 
When we rally to the polls. 

''The Fremont Train" was set to the time of 
**01d Dan Tucker." A sample verse was like this : 

The Fremont train has gone along, 

Just jump aboard. The train 

Is bound for Washington, 
And it carries Fremont's foes of wrong. 

Our bravest son. 
Clear the track. Filibuster?, 
Now's no time for threats or blusters. 
Clear the track, or ere you dream on it, 
You'll be beneath the car of Fremont. 

*'Tlie "VMiite House Race" was sung to the air 
"Camptown Eaces." It always made a hit. 
Buchanan, the Democratic candidate for Presi- 
dent, was labeled "The Old Gray," while Fremont 
was the ''Mustang Colt." The words of the ditty 
were: 

There's an old Gray Horse, whose name is Buck, 
The Mustang Colt is young and strong. 

Du da. de da. 
Hla dam was Folly, and his sire Bad Luck, 

De da, du da da. 

Chorus: 

We're bound to work all night. 

We're bound to work all day; 
I'll bet my money on the Mustang Colt, 

Will anybody bet on the Gray? 

10 



The Autohi()gra])}ij/ of TJiomas Collier Piatt 



MY FIRST OFFICE 

Our singing did not, however, produce enough 
votes to elect Fremont. James Buclianan, Demo- 
crat, defeated him, much to our grief. But we 
kept up our glee club, and two years after we 
sang Edwin 1). iM organ, the great war governor, 
into the executive chamber at Albany. A year 
later, the Kepublicans of my county nominated me 
for county clerk. I was elected and served three 
years. I declined a renomination, having been 
elected president of the Tioga County National 
Bank, and having, in addition to forming a part- 
nership in the drug firm, become much interested 
in the development of the lumber district in 
Michigan. 

Then I gladly retired from office, and went back 
into the business of compounding pills. 

WRITER OF ADVERTISEMENTS 

Let me break into the chronological narrative 
here to observe that I have been reminded since 
beginning these recollections that I long ago mis- 
took my vocation. Friends who have been perus- 
ing my scrap books have suggested that I never 
should have been a druggist ; that I committed an 
egregious blunder in entering politics, and should 
have become either a journalist, magazine writer, 
or an advertising agent. They had in mind cer- 
tain literary offenses which I managed to dash off 

11 



TJte Autobiographi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

when not engaged in preparing prescriptions of a 
medical character. My partner in the drug busi- 
ness knew more about that than I did. But he 
insisted tliat I must hold myself responsible for 
making it known that we were on earth. I did the 
best I could by writing each week for the local 
newspapers a few words which I hoped would ap- 
prise the public that we wished their patronage. 
Some of the advertisements contained evidence 
that I was watching the political kaleidoscope very 
intently. The following will demonstrate this: 

The Popular 
TICKET 
for 1868 

FOR PRESIDENT 

THOMAS C. PLATT 

FOR VICE-PRESIDENT 

FREDERIC K. HULL 

OUR RECORD 

Radicalism — Doctors all agree that we are 
senna. We have sold all kinds of roots these 
twelve years, and beg leave to assert that no 
pennyroyal conservation contracts our ])owers, 
nor infinitesimal pill of fogyism pollutes our jihysi- 
cal system. Our stock of chemicals. Drugs, Ex- 
tracts, Powders, Trusses, Tinctures, AVines and 

12 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Liquors, is not excelled in Europe, Africa or New 
Jersey. Our medicines are famous for producing 
radical cures. 

Reconstruction — We and Congress are a unit. 
Witness the fact that we vet sell fresh Congress 
Water, Eye Whisky, and other mild medicinal 
liquids that Congress drinks and taxes ; also Con- 
gress Blacking and Congress Fool's-cap Paper. 
The Portfolio of a Foreign Minister, or any other 
Minister's wife, can be reconstructed at our store 
with as choice a supply of Papers, Envelopes, 
Diaries, Blank Books, Pocket Cutlery and Sta- 
tionery as ever Uncle Sam thrust upon a modest 
Congressman. 

Russia — Ice is a safer king than cotton. We 
regret that this Ice-creamery of the nation 
(Alaska) was not annexed before the war. It 
might have kept the "Southern heart" from get- 
ting ' ' fired. ' ' We will protect these newly adopted 
citizens and their icebergs from foreign invasion, 
if it takes our last mortar and squirt-gun. Our 
policy is clearly Russian, and we expect to do a 
Eushin' business in Snuffs, Segars, Perfumery, 
Bird-cages, Soaps and Notions. 

Repudiation — Johnson, of White House noto- 
riety, ignores the black man and repudiates his 
Bureau. If we were Cabinet-makers, we would 
funiish at least a Bureau drawer for every 
*' shade" of the South. Variety charms and skins 
should not all be white any more than houses. 
W^e fully recognize Southern independence of 

13 



TJie Autublographij of Thomas Collier Plait 

character in their early efforts to modify and im- 
prove the hues of the hmnan-hide divine. Our 
own colored Bureau reveals rare specimens of 
Artists' Colors, Family Dyes, Cosmetiques, Com- 
plexion Beautifiers, Hair Oils, etc. 

Suffrage— There should be a ballot box in every 
American family, just as much as Paregoric and 
the Bible; and the elective franchise should be 
exercised twice a day by all, regardless of sex, 
age or color, squaws, squallers and (s) quadroons, 
provided they first take an iron-bound oath to 
support U.S., and to vote unanimously to patron- 
ize no other shop for Paints, Oils, Window Glass, 
Varnishes, Putty, Glue, Brushes, Lamps, Confec- 
tionery, etc. 

Corner Drug Store, August 1, 1867. 

During the war I used to watch very carefully 
for news of President Lincoln's levies of troops 
and the orders given by Scott, Halleck, ^McClellan, 
Grant and the other army commanders, from time 
to time. They gave me many ideas for adver- 
tising our business. Here are some of them: 

UNION FOREVPm ! 

The Corner Drug Store 

Platt & Hull 

Owego, N. Y. 

Headquarters, Cor. Lake and Front Streets. Just 

South of new Post-office 

14 



The Antohiof^raphi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Order No. 1. 

Every male and female Physician, Surgeon, 
Nurse or Patient of Tioga County, is hereby or- 
dered to appear when convenient and necessary 
at the Headquarters aforesaid, to buy their Pure 
Drugs, Medicines and Chemicals; Allopathic, 
Homeopathic, Botanic — warranted pure — bought 
and dispensed by experienced Druggists. Also 
Wines, Brandies, Gins, Scotch xVIe, London Por- 
ter, and other Liquors, selected expressly for 
medical use. 

Order No. 2. 

A new levy of 300,000 or less sound and pa- 
triotic customers is demanded to reduce our im- 
mense stock of Paints, Oils, Window Glass, Putty, 
Glues, Varnishes, Alcohol, Turpentine, Kerosene, 
Gold Leaf, Bath Brick, Tar, Plaster Paris and 
Potash. Paints mixed any color; glass cut any 
size. 

Order No. 3. 

The Vigilance Committee and our quota of 
union-loving ladies are commanded to volunteer 
in examining our rich and varied assortment of 
Letter and Note Papers, Envelopes, Pens, Slates, 
Blank Books, Inks, Pencils, Writing Books, Muci- 
lage and general Stationery. 

Order No. 4. 

All male citizens between the ages of five and 

15 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

ninety-five must hold themselves subject to a draft 
— on the pocket — for their supplies of Perfumery, 
Choice Confectionery, Bird Cages, Fine Pocket 
Cutlery, Hair Dyes and Oils, Brushes, Combs, 
Trusses and Shoulder-braces, best Snuffs and To- 
baccos, Fine Segars and Flavor. 

Order No. 5. 

Prepare to Dye — by procuring our free list of 
receipts for dyeing, and then purchase of us good 
and reliable dye woods, Dye Stuffs, Indigo, 
Cochineal, Cudbear, Cream Tartar, Annatto, Pink 
Saucers, Acids and Chemicals of everv sort. 

Order No. 6. 

Piatt and Hull expect every American citizen 
to do as he pleases; but as the Fall campaign 
opens, they will rejoice to see new customers, as 
well as old, "falling in," and enlisting to down 
the rebellion and General High Prices. Our policy 
is defined. We shall not refuse postage stamps, 
even from contrabands. Captain Strict Atten- 
tion and Lieutenant Uniform Politeness are on 
our staff. Old Low Prices is still our Quarter- 
master in Owego at the Corner Drug Store. You 
can buy there : 
Paints, Oils, Varnishes, Putty, Glue, 
Knives, Razors, Brushes, Blank Books, too, 
Glass for Mirrors, Windows, Fixtures, 
Kerosene and Patent Mixtures, 
Lamps, Candles, Spices, Shoulder Braces, 

16 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Nurse Bottles, Nipples, Picture Cases, 
Tube-Paints, Segars and Pocket Books. 
Enough for the present, 

Yours, 

Jonathan Snooks. 

Here are some quips at the expense of Andrew- 
Jackson, which we employed to sell drugs : 

VETOES 

Andrew Johnson vetoed the bill which declared 
the people had not the civil right to buy Genuine 
English Lead, and Linseed Oil, Pure French Zink, 
Mixed Paints, of every hue, honest Varnishes, 
Glues, Plaster Paris, Dryers, Putty, and Paints 
and Oils of every description, the cheapest and 
best at 

PLATT AND HULL's. 

Andrew Johnson vetoed the bill forbidding 
physicians and patients buying pure Drugs, Petti- 
grove's Honest Whisky, Native Isabella and Ca- 
tawba Wines, Blackberry Brandy, Old Scotch 
Ale, Congress Water, Rubber Syringes, and all 
Popular Medicines, at the Corner Drug Store of 

PLATT AND HULL. 

Andrew Johnson vetoed the bill taxing all ladies 
who should buy Bed-Bug Poison, Night Blooming 
Cereus, Sewing Machine Oil, best Fruit Jars, 

17 



The Autobio^raphij of Thomas Collier Flatt 

Potash, Kongo, AVhale Oil Soap, Family Dyes, 
Hair Colorings, Artists' Paints, Razors, Cards 
and Cigars, at the Corner Drug Store of 

FLATT AND HULL. 

Andrew Johnson vetoed the bill disfranchising 
farmers of Tioga County who insisted they could 
buy the most reliable Carrot and Turnip Seeds, 
Mowing ]\rachines, and Harness Oils, Kerosene, 
Glass for Windows, Hotbeds, :N[irrors, Pictures, 
Lanterns and Bee Hives, all shapes and sizes; 
cheapest at the Drug Store of 

PLATT AND HULL. 

Andrew Johnson vetoed the bill compelling col- 
ored men to buy French and "Fantasie" Note 
Paper and Envelopes, rare Perfumeries, unique 
Ink Stands, splendid Portfolios and Photograph 
Albums, elegant Dressing Cases, Female Support- 
ers, Sperm Candles and Shoe Blacking at the 



Drug Store of 



PLATT AND HULL. 



Andrew Johnson vetoed the bill allowing horses 
and cattle to vote that the Great Yankee Powder 
was Constitutional; being the best medicine for 
horses and cattle extant, warranted to improve 
the appetite of horses and increase the milk of 
cows; put up in one-pound papers by 

18 



The Autohioirraphii of Thomas ('oilier Piatt 



PLATT AND HULL. 

I was a great admirer of Senator Cliarles Sum- 
ner, and cribbed from his sayings now and then 
to attract people to our shop. I also used Charles 
Dickens, Charles Pertiller, the African Hostler, 
and Charles Lewis, the ''House of Representa- 
tives Bootblack," whom I describe later, to bring 
trade. Here are samples: 

Quaint Quotations, uifh Original Notes, hi/ 
Piatt and Hull 



CHAELES SUMNER 

The great American Statesman is reported to 
have proclaimed on the floor of the U. S. Hotel : — 
"That the late earthquake did not come by the 
way of St. Thomas and Auburn Underground 
Railway, but was simply the expiring agonies of 
the irrepressible conflict." Be it as it may, the 
quaking recently experienced at the Corner Drug- 
store was the result of a sudden decline in prices. 
Low-Bel ia fell and knocked over High Drar- 
gyrum, who tumbled against Asa-Foetida and 
tripped up Sal-Nitre. Elder Flowers had got high 
with Old R. Whisky, and both toppled over on to 
Alex-Senna and Bald Sam Copaiba. Sarsy Pa- 
rilla and Perry-Goric tried hard to keep up, as 
did the veteran Col. O'Cynth, inspired by the up- 
ward movement of Al. Coe Hall, but were forced 

19 



The Autobiograpiif/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

to succumb, carrying all before them. Physicians, 
Poets, Preachers, Publicans and Sinners are in- 
vited to call and view the ruins. 

CHARLES DICKERS 

The renowned English author, in Pickwick 
Papers, makes the elder Weller say, "I've done it 
once too often, Sammy. Take example by your 
father and beware of widders all your life." Mrs. 
Partington would characterize that as a vial calo- 
mel on the sisterhood of lone, lorn widders. Piatt 
and Hull make no distinctions. Our motto is: 
Fair dealings with the fair sex, and no questions 
as to age or condition. Maids, matrons and 
widows are alike welcome to our hospita(b)le 
stores, and can see our Albmns, Diaries, Station- 
ery and Notions, smell our Perfumes, Soaps, 
Snuffs and Pomades, taste our Teas, Yvlnes, Can- 
dies and Spices, and try our Indigo, Dye Colors, 
Potash and Lamps. 

CHARLES PERTILLER 

The able African Hostler, in his famous fifth 
of July oration, feelingly observed: "De Corn- 
stitution is de bull-work of our libertines." Doubt- 
less the Corn-stitution, so classically defined, was 
the same which Moses the II (in his big circular 
swing) s]ioke about "leaving in the hands of the 
people," but forgot and drank it all up himself, 

20 



The Autobiography of Thomafi Collier Piatt 

so as to keep liis mortification from striking in. 
Trust an honorable hostler before a traitor tailor. 
Pertiller was sound. He believed in the Great 
Yankee Powder for the Constitution of horses 
and cattle, and made it a rule to buy his Segars, 
Syringes, Chamois Skins, Razor Strops, Trusses, 
Tar, Thermometers, Hair and Horse Brushes, 
Bird Cages, Neatsfoot Oil, Blank Books, Combs 
and Cosmetics at the Corner Drug Store. 

CHARLES LEWIS 

The illustrious Caucasian Boot Black, on the 
floor of the House of Representative Druggists 
(Piatt & Hull), on his knees, thoughtfully polish- 
ing a pair of consumptive cowhide boots, uttered 
that memorable sentiment, ''Let no traitor write 
my epitaph — simply carve upon my headstone 'He 
voted for Abraham Lincoln.' " ]\rany wiser dead 
men "still live" on smaller capital of sentiment 
than that. Another evidence of this simple soul's 
sagacity is the fact that he advises all the world 
and his wife to purchase Paints, Oils, Glues, Var- 
nishes, AVindow Glass, Pocket Books, Patent 
Medicines, Feather Dusters, Liquors, etc., etc., 
at the Corner Drug Store. Learn wisdom from 
Lewis. 

Owego, January 1, 1868. 

Under the head of "Contraband Correspond- 
ence," I indited such missives as these: 

21 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Candor, November 1, 18G4. 
Respected Widow: 

Your grateful expressions of regard for my suc- 
cessful treatment of your case are received. Of 
course the physician's skill is unavailing without 
pure and reliable remedies. Such medicines it 
has been my invariable fortune to purchase for 
the last ten years at the Drug Store of Piatt & 
Hull. Their skill in selection of Drugs, Chemi- 
cals, Wines and Liquors, and their care in com- 
pounding, have passed into a proverb. Go no- 
where else for your supplies. 

Faithfullv vours, 

Alex. Senna, M.D. 

Apalachin, November 16, 1864. 
Dear Sister Mehitable : 

I take my pen in hand to inform you that my 
nerves is all strong and hope these few lines will 
find you enjoying the same blessin. What on airth 
is the world a-comin to? When I was a gal, we 
didn't have no Salfurino, Mygentle and sich fancy 
Dye Stuffs as they now sell by the cartload at 
the Corner Pothecary Shop. These war times is 
dredful. God's free Cordial has had to sukum to 
Mrs. AVinslow's Soothin Syrup. Nothin's so good 
as it used to be, savin, p'raps, Piatt & Hull's 
Snuff, Indigo, Madder, Potash and Paddegoric. 
You had orter see the AVidder Wiggins. She 
bought some famous Hair Rectifyer and Cheek 
Beautifier at Piatt & Hull's, and now they say is 

99 



The Autohiograplnj of Thomas Collier Piatt 

goin again into the lioly bonds of Wedlock. Hadn't 
we better go and do likewise? 

Your Sufferin Sister, 

Charity Jenkins. 

Berkshire, Thanksgiving Day, 1864. 
My Deabest Mollie : 

I have been to Owego, and what would Owego 
be without Piatt & Hull? I wanted to buy a Diarj^ 
and lay in a little supply of Paper, Envelopes and 
other Stationery, and you know how they keep 
such a splendid assortment. A sight of their love- 
ly Perfumery, Pomades and Toilet Soaps, and my 
empty purse made me almost wild, and when I 
came to behold those stacks of superb photograph 
Albums, I became perfectly insane. I never was 
so tempted to steal. ^\lien you go to Owego, 
Christmas, New Year's, Fourth of July, Fair time, 
or any other time, don't forget that Piatt & Hull's 
is the place for Knickknacks, Notions and nice 
things. 

Fondlv as ever, 

Julia. 

The New York Tribune published a long story 
about a sea serpent. 

Almost simultaneously the Owego New Drug 
Store was established as a rival of ours. I sat 
down and wrote a piece about the new concern. 
I told readers of the "Stocking," which I later 

23 



The Autohio^rapJuj of Thomas Collier Piatt 

describe, that the finn across the street purposed 
to advertise in this way: 

*'Just received by ship Monojigahrla, Captain 
Seabury, four cases pure Sea Serpent Oil, a most 
excellent remedy for coughs, colds, consumption 
and liver comjjlaints. Its virtues as a pectoral 
have long been known to the South Sea Islanders, 
New Zealanders, Chaldean Shepherds and ancient 
Ninevites. For sale at the Owego New Drug 
Store. Price $4." 

The lampoon was taken seriously by some for 
a day or two. Farmers and townsmen flocked to 
the new store, demanding bottles of the supposed 
cure for all maladies. "When they discovered that 
no such remedy was in existence, they got mad 
and practically boycotted the "pill shop" that 
had set up against us. 



LITERARY DIVERSIONS — EDITOR AND POET 

Wliile poets and song-writers may dabble in 
politics, few politicians dabble in poetry, musical 
composition or other literary pursuits. 

There are, however, exceptions to all rules, and 
I have been one of the exceptions. I have already 
related how I patched together some campaign 
ditties and advertisements. But my offenses as 
an aspirant for editorial and poetical honors have 
yet to be chronicled. 

I made my debut as an editor, conducting the 
humorous and critical department of the St. 

24 



The Autohiography of Hiomas Collier Piatt 

Nicholas Magazine, at my homo in Owego, in April, 
1853. The whole town was interested in the pub- 
lication. Having developed some ability as a 
writer at Yale, I was impressed into the service. 
To me was assigned charge of a department 
known as '^Our Stocking." 

As one of the editors of St. Nicholas, it was my 
duty at times to criticize new books. Ticknors 
sent to St. Nicholas, from Boston, a volume of 
Stoddard's poems, probably the first. To them 
I paid my attention in these words : 

**Mr. Stoddard has mistaken his vocation. His 
verse is full of echoes, reminding the reader of 
the sensuous Keats, the fanciful Shelley, the pic- 
turesque Tennyson, etc. The Minstrel of the 
North has not escaped from these miscellaneous 
thefts. Instead of clutching in the dark at the 
hem of Shakspere's consecrated robe, let him 
'hold the even tenor of his way' in the obscure 
path that nature and the gods have worked out 
for him." 

One of my first efforts was an invitation for 
children, and grown folks, too, to send in anec- 
dotes and gossip. **For an hour of fun alive, give 
us the company of bright children," I wrote. 
There were very many bright misses and masters 
in Owego. They contributed some of the clever- 
est stories I ever read. I recall that a sweet little 
friend of mine recited how she for the first time 
attended church. When she saw the rector in his 
white robe she must have been greatly impressed. 

25 



The AutobiograpJii/ of TJiomas Collier Piatt 

I asked her to tell me of ber experience. She an- 
swered naively: *'Yes, Mr. Piatt, I saw God — • 
and He bad His nigbtgown on." 

Tbat story went into ''Our Stocking," and was 
copied tbe country over. 

As I bave said, I bad engaged in tbe drug busi- 
ness, and almost daily opportunity offered itself 
to weave into a yarn amusing incidents in wbich 
I figured or wbicb passed under my observation. 

Owego bad gone dry on tbe liquor question. One 
day a customer from tbe backwoods came in and 
asked me: 

*'Do you keep sbot?" 

"No. Only balf-sbot, tbese no-license times," 
was my answer. 

Tbe tale spread about town, and witbin a few 
days several contributors to tbe "Stocking" sent 
it in to me as original. 

I bave culled out of my scrap book otber tales 
wbicb I wrote for "Our Stocking." Here are 
some of tbem: 

Tbe proprietor of tbe Owego Hotel caugbt a 
half-witted neigbbor one cold nigbt at tbe botel 
wood pile. He did not besitate to abuse tbe tliief 
roundly. 

"Ob, yis,** retorted tbe unabasbed and still 
ready-tongued JMilesian, "now Oi bave found ye 
out; jist what iverybody says, ye quarrel with 
iverybody ye bave dealings wid." 

Tlie editor received a call from a farmer who 
bad subscribed for St. Nicholas. He explained that 

26 



The Autobioixrdphji of Thoi/uis Collier Piatt 

he had concluded to support Franklin Pierce for 
President by declaring: "T couldn't vote for that 
cussed Scott, because he kept the American sol- 
diers three months in Mexico, trying to take the 
city of Quebec." 

One venerable citizen, a Democrat of the most 
rabid type, arranged a revival meeting. He asked 
the prayers of the congregation for his "forty 
nnconverted grandchildren." One of the grand- 
children, old enough to vote the Whig ticket, 
turned the tables on his Democratic grandsire by 
getting up in meeting and asking prayer "for the 
Tvhole Jackson party." 

I had great sport grilling the Legislature of the 
day. The "Stocking" related how a distinguished 
New York politician, a victim to headache, went 
to a surgeon, who took out his brains and filled 
the cavity with cotton. 

"I think," said the surgeon to the patient, "that 
that will relieve you. Come around in a month, 
and if necessary I will replace your brains." 

A month passed. The grateful politician, who 
had been unusually active in the interim, reported 
to his physician: "I never felt better in my 
life." 

"But," said the doctor, "I've got your brains 
all ready — shan't I put 'em back!" 

"That's all right, doctor," was the patient's 
reply. "But I shan't need 'em. I've been elected 
to the Legislature." 

Finney, the evangelist, was well known in 

27 



TJie .-iutohioiiraphii of Thomas ('(lU'icr Piatt 

Owego, ^vhcre he made more than one stirring 
call to the unconverted. The "Stocking" de- 
scribed him as meeting a profane boatman on 
the canal-bank in Rochester. This conversation 
ensued : 

Finney (solemnly) — Sir, do you know where you 
are going? 

Profane Boatman — Up the canal on the Johnny 
Sands. 

Finney — No, no; you are going to h — 1, faster 
than any canal boat can carry you. 

Profane Boatman (irately) — And now, do you 
know where you are going! 

Finney — I expect to go to Heaven! 

Profane Boatman — No, no ; you are going right 
into the canal ! 

And with that he pitched him in. 

No-license made it hard to get a drink. The 
physicians of Owego hesitated long before they 
prescribed liquor. One poor doctor had the hard- 
est time to resist the importunities of his patients. 

He agreed one day to prescribe whisky for 
Michael McGuire, and asked him if two ounces 
would be about right. 

''Sure, doctor," said ^Michael, ''two quarts 
would be nearer right." Tlion hopefully: 
"What's a barrel of whisky in a family that 
doesn 't keep a cow ? ' ' 

German literature appealed strongly to me. I 
loved to translate German poems. Si)eciraeD5 of 

28 



The Autohiographif of Thomas Collier Piatt 

my work were published in the "Stocking." Here 

is one: 

Abroad shalt thoii po. 

On thy white bosom wear 
A nosegay, and doubt not 

An angel Is there; 
Place a rose near thy ted, 

Nightly sentry to keep. 
And angels shall rock thee 

On roses to sleep. 

This verse in the "Stocking" was original with 
me: 

TO STELLA 

A little star rode all alone, 

Along the azure sky. 
And sang a mournful song, because 

No other orb was nigh; 
But soon a glorious planet swept 

Adown the ethereal main. 
And twinkled at the pretty star, 

Which twinkled back again. 
They wove in one their silver crowns. 

And locked their flashing wings, 
Ana now no rover of the skies 

Like happy Stella sings. 

The libations and tragic death of a Berkshire 
town character inspired me to compose a few 
verses, originally printed in my home newspapers. 
Years after I read them once at a Lotos Club din- 
ner. The guests told me they were a scream. The 
skit was entitled "A Pastoral Poem, with a 
queue-rious pig-tail, after Plood, but not much 

29 



The AutohiofiTaphfj of TJiomas Collier Piatt 

behind Saxe, on the death of P. I. G. Potter."" 
(Peter Ishmael Gamaliel Potter, familiarly known 
as **Pig" Potter, fought for freedom, bored for 
water, and died for whisky.) 
The lines were: 



The Potters were old Berkshir>i slock. 
Son "Pig," a blooded man, 

"Who, with a smooth-bore on his back, 
Helped free the sons of Ham. 

n 

In peace and war he plied his arts, 

For water or for blood ; 
He bored for one In rebels' hearts, 

The other — in the mud. 

Ill 

For water be would root like sin, 
'Mid grunts of fiendish mirth, 

And plunge his hellish iron in 
The bow-wells of the earth. 

IV 

He saved his bacon in the "wah," 
His pay was not sin's wages. 

He cared no straw, save sages saw 
Him chopped into sau-sages. 



Though hard Pig's lot, he bore it well. 
Through hard-pan, storm and sun; 

He never squealed on battlefield, 
But fonnd dead-loads of fun. 

30 



The Autohiographi/ of Thomas CoUier Piatt 



VI 



Pig's pen produced choice tender-l(o)ines, 

Rich liter-ary meat; 
And when his gait was poetry. 

You'd smile to see Pig's feet. 

VII 

His-will was law, with all well-bred 

Corn-fed rats of his crib. 
And though a single life Pig Lead, 

He always had spare-rib. 

VIII 

His mouth was a fire-water cure, 

One eyelid owned a stye; 
He swore he took his water pure. 

In corn-you or Pig's eye. 



IX 



Queer spirits his resorts adorned, 
Tough chaps who scorned rye bread; 

His mess was always badly corned, 
But passed for prime still-fed. 



In winter drear, he swilled his beer, 

A swine or porcine bummer; 
This proverb queer, to him was dear: 
"One's wallow don't make summer." 

XI 

He ever gave a willing ear. 
Though thous-and bores assail; 

His nose's bloom, his eye-ball's blear. 
Lent luster to each tale. 



m 




d 

o 



E- 

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o 

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The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

XII 

At last grim death stuck Pig's thick rind. 

Dried up his water work; 
He made a brine of pure "strychnine," 

And pickled his fresh pork. 

XIII 
Though life was but a deuced bore. 

To find old Adam's swig. 
In death, with spirits, may he soar 

An angel — not roast Pig. 

During 1877 and 1878 I did a deal of traveling 
in the wild and wboITy West. Horace Greeley, ^ 
editor of the New York Tribune, and Charles G. 
Fairman, editor of the Elmira Advertiser, re- 
quested me to write for their readers my impres- 
sions. I contributed a number of letters. Here- 
with are presented one or two of my efforts to 
become a journalist: 

[Elmira Daily Advertiser, Monday, August 20, 1877] 

THE BLACK HILLS 



Interesting Description by the Eon. T. C. Piatt 



Owego, N. Y., August 17, 1877. 
To the Editor of the Advertiser: 

Back from the Black Hills with a sound skin 
and a whole scalp! "Foolhardy" was the last 
cheering word which fell from the lips of friends 
on parting. They had been reading the sensa- 
tional headlines which ornament the Indian tales 

33 



^'^■^'L^<i4 dr^v.*-* wt^ 1*6/2^ 



Tlic yiutobiographu of TJiomas Collier Plait 

of the metropolitan newspapers and believed it 
all. The journey overland from Cheyenne to 
Deadwood, a distance of 280 miles, was full of 
fatigue and discomfort; but despite the pound. 
over rough roads for fifty-five consecutive hours 
on old-fashioned Concord coaches; despite the 
constant inhaling of the disgusting alkali dust 
which made throat and nostrils raw and sore; 
despite the vile rations of sour bread and greasy 
bacon of the log taverns; despite the danger of 
robbers and redskins, the trip was one of new 
revelations, sensations and enjoyment. Nowhere 
on the American continent can there be found any 
experience to compare with life in a new mining 
camp. Experience in the lumber camps of the 
.West and South is rough, but it is refined and 
cultivated by comparison. Society is made up 
of the bold, restless, reckless spirits who for years 
have been chasing the demon of adventure and 
the ignis fatims of fortune through the mountains 
and gulches of California, Nevada, Colorado, Mon- 
tana and even Mexico; men of every color and 
clime under the sun, to whom the quiet life of 
advanced civilization would be worse than death; 
men reckless of health, life and money, but whose 
varied and bitter experiences have made sharp» 
shrewd and unscrujiulous; men who have seen 
wealth and poverty, sometimes almost within the 
same twelvemonth — all men of great courage but 
little conscience. To say that Deadwood is wicked 
is feeble talk. However, it is better than Sodom» 

34 



The Autohioij^rapJ/// of Thomas Collier Piatt 

for there are good men there sufficient to save 
it, and as the popuhition becomes less migra- 
tory, their morals will improve. 

This new city of Deadwood, which one year ago 
scarcely had an existence, now boasts of nearly 
4,000 inhabitants. It is situated at the confluence 
of the two creeks, called the Whitewood and the 
Deadwood, the one named from the prevalence 
of white birch trees along the hillsides, and the 
other from the fallen timber that strews the gulch. 
It is a commercial center of the Black Hills, the 
entire population of which is variously estimated 
from ten to fifteen thousand, including Gayville, 
Leed City, Central City and other mining ham- 
lets that have sprung up in these two main gulches 
and their tributaries. No correct census is possi- 
ble on account of the migratory character of the 
people. Within a brief period from one to two 
thousand men stampeded from here to the Big 
Horn diggings. Prospecting there having thus 
far proved fruitless, many of these adventurers 
will no doubt return. Deadwood is a city made 
up of tents, huts, shanties and wooden shells, with 
now and then a frame building that can be dig- 
nified with the appellation of house, although they 
are all sufficient protection against sun or rain. 
Pine timber abounds in the vicinity of a very 
good quality, and now that sawmills have sprung 
up all around and lumber has fallen to the moder- 
ate price of $20 per thousand, a better class of 
buildings will no doubt be substituted in the fu- 

35 



The Autohios^raphij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

ture. Eents are liigh, small shops commanding 
from $100 to $150 per month. The principal hotel, 
a rough wooden structure owned by a Chinese 
laundrjTnan, One Coon Sing, is rented for $250 a 
month. The streets at all times present a lively 
appearance, and especially on Sunday. Mining 
is the only business that is suspended on the Sab- 
bath, and it becomes the miners' holiday. Stores, 
shops, saloons, barrooms, faro-banks, theaters, 
dance houses, are in full blast on that day, and 
are well patronized. The largest faro-bank is on 
the first floor of an open store, a hundred feet 
deep, on the Main Street, and seemed to be one 
of the most popular and respectable institutions 
of the town. Gold dust is the miners' medium of 
exchange, and every barroom owns its pair of 
scales. Until quite recently a quarter of a dollar 
was the minimum price for even a glass of lager 
beer, but the spirit of progress and competition 
has at last invaded the land, and the doorway of 
many a saloon now bears this hopeful legend: 
"Two drinks for two bits." The town claims to 
have two churches, the one a Congregational and 
the other a Roman Catholic; but good plants must 
be of slow and dwarfish growth in a garden full 
of poisonous weeds. Morals and religion are at 
a discount in this market. Considering the dis- 
tance of overland transportation, prices of food 
and living are not extravagant, correspondents 
of New York journals to the contrary notwith- 
standing. It is true that occasionallv there will 

36 



The Autohiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

occur a temporary scarcity of some one particular 
article of home consumption, like flour or kerosene, 
but as large mule and ox freight trains are con- 
stantly coming and going, and competition is 
lively, no such state of affairs can be of long dura- 
tion. Flour now is $19 per barrel, and kerosene 75 
cents per gallon. Good board can be had for $12 
per week. For the past six months more than 500 
teams, an average of six horses, mules or oxen to 
a team, have been engaged in transporting mer- 
chandise and machinery into these diggings. An 
old freighter informed me that his trains had 
never but once been disturbed by Indians, and then 
only to steal stock. 

The impression which prevails in the East, that 
the Black Hills, as a gold-producing country, is 
a fraud and a delusion, is not based upon impar- 
tial and reliable information. It comes mainly 
from drones and dead beats who have gone, as 
many did in the early days to California, expect- 
ing, without money and without work, to realize 
fortunes in a day ; to pick up gold nuggets in every 
crack and crevice of rocks, and because they have 
failed to realize their expectations, pronounced 
the country a failure. Such fellows would de- 
spise heaven if they found the golden pavement 
fastened down. The fact is, that mining for the 
precious metals, like any other business, to be 
carried on successfully, requires capital, labor 
and capacity; and we venture the assertion that 
there is no better field for enterprising labor with 

37 



2'lic .iutohiographii of Thomas Collier Piatt 

small capital In our broad domain than the 
gold and silver mines of the JJlaek Hills. "What 
they lack in extreme richness they make up in 
economy of mining and tractability of the quartz. 
The rich veins of ore lie near the surface, and the 
great expense of hoisting is thereby averted. 

The territory as vet developed is somewhat 
limited in extent, but there is much wealth yet 
hidden in the depths of these hills that will not 
long escape the prying eyes of the prospector. 
Several mines, such as the "Alpha," the "Hid- 
den Treasure," the "Golden Terra," the "Llewel- 
lyn," the "Keats," etc., are yielding most satis- 
factory returns, in two or three cases as high as 
.$10,000 per week. The average yield of gold, per 
ton, is about $25, which, considering the character 
of the ore, is better than a much larger yield in 
the more stubborn quartz of Colorado and Nevada. 
Between twenty and thirty stamp mills for crush- 
ing and separating ore are in operation, or in 
process of erection in these diggings, constructed 
mainh'' for doing custom work. This fact alone is 
a complete answer to the representations of the 
croakers. As to the gulch mines, there are not 
a half dozen in the valley of the Deadwood Creek 
but what are paying well. One of the best is 
owned by a live Irishman, Jack ^IcLear, who has 
already taken out of his claim over $40,000. We 
saw him "clean up," at evening, one day's work. 
The result was not up to the average, being about 
$575, and his working force consists of nineteen 

^ 38 



Tlic AutohiograpJiii of Thomas- CoUicr Plait 

meu. His yield iii one day has been a« high as 
-$2,200. As a matter of course, these shiice mines 
Tvill be exhausted in a year or two, but the quartz 
veins show unmistakable evidences of great ex- 
tent and capacity. AVe hazard the opinion that 
from $6,000,000 to $8,000,000 in gold will be pro- 
duced in these liills the present year. From re- 
liable data we are satisfied that the banking 
houses are buying nearly $250,000 per month, and 
they do not obtain one-half the product. From 
the nature of the case, conflicts of title to mining 
claims are frequent. Up to the 28tli of last Feb- 
ruary these auriferous hills were a part of an 
Indian reservation, but no such barrier could re- 
strain the restless, resistless American gold- 
hunter. He came, he saw, he conquered, as usual. 
The Government was forced to make a new deal 
with the savages, and on the day last mentioned 
a treaty was made and concluded, in which Uncle 
Sam once more became possessed of these goodly 
gulches, and Mr. Lo & Co. reluctantly agreed to 
*'go West" and abandon these happy hunting 
grounds. It is not strange, under such circum- 
stances, that the "poor Indian" should hang 
around the out-edges and occasionally lift a scalp. 
However, the stories of their raids and massa- 
cres are grossly exaggerated. For six months 
scarcely a redskin has been seen south of Dead- 
wood. An occasional murder has been committed 
by them a few miles north of there, in and about 
the vallev of the Spearfish Creek, a valley which 

39 



The Autohiographi/ of Thomas Collier Flatt 

is well watered and possessed of agricultural re- 
sources of the richest kind. It is a remarkable 
fact that United States mail coaches and telegraph 
lines are seldom disturbed by them. They have a 
wholesome fear of the "Great Father" at Wash- 
ington, and a superstitious respect for the electric 
fluid. 

The robbers, "road agents," as they are po- 
litely denominated, have been for several weeks 
the terror of the stage routes, but they have done 
violence only in one instance, when they wounded, 
but did not kill, the driver of a coach who refused 
to stop his horses at their command. That driver 
has recovered, and mounts his box as usual every 
day. "We escaped molestation, but coaches just 
before and just after us were overhauled in the 
most approved banditti style. AVhen no resistance 
is offered, as is invariably the case, these gentle- 
manly freebooters are extremely polite and con- 
siderate. To be sure, they compel their \Hctim, 
at the muzzle of the shotgun, to step down and 
out, to turn his pockets inside out, to remove his 
boots and stockings in order to disclose any hidden 
treasure, to rip open the lining of his garments 
and make a clean delivery ; but what shall it profit a 
man to save his jack-knife and postal currency 
and lose his precious life? Here is just where 
philosophy is superior to pluck, and poverty is an 
unmixed blessing. After the gentlemanly agents 
have concluded their business, it is quite the fash- 
ion to sit down by the roadside with the passen- 

40 



The Autohiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

gers and indulge in a short season of social 
intercourse and interchange of solid and liquid 
compliments. But as a matter of healthy precau- 
tion, they always insist upon a secondary pull at 
the bottle of their victim, fearing poison. Their 
first raids were eminently successful, in one in- 
stance securing booty to the amount of $20,000; 
but latterly travelers go divested of all valuables, 
and the business has become so unprofitable that 
the attacks are growing less and less frequent. 
They will soon entirely cease. 

In conclusion, we would say to the American 
pilgrim, in the language of the Oriental devotee, 
**See Deadwood and die!" You will surely know 
little of one interesting phase of American life 
until you do see Deadwood. T. C. P. 



[New York Daily Trihune, founded by Horace Greeley, 
Thursday, November 14, 1878] 

THE BLACK HILLS 



A Romantic Journey 



Modern Stage-coaching — A Prairie in Flames- 
Mineral and Agricultural Wealth 



(From an occasional correspondent of the Trihune.) 

Deadwood, D. T., October 25. — The Eastern pil- 
grim who glides along in palace ears and imagines 

41 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

that the glory of the primitive stage-coach has 
departed should come West and enlarge his views 
of his country'. A ride from Bismarck, the present 
Western terminus of the Northern Pacific Rail- 
road, 250 miles to the Black Hills, would give 
him new sensations and novel notions of life and 
things. At this season of the year it is an enjoy- 
able journey. Good roads, good horses, good 
weather and good company, such as we had, make 
it an exhilarating experience, and the forty hours 
of incessant travel are really nothing but a pro- 
tracted pleasure excursion. Early childhood pic- 
tures of the stately coach-and-four, the gay horses 
and bright coaches, are practically verified on this 
line. With fresh relays of spirited horses every 
fifteen miles, a courteous conductor on each coach, 
besides the driver, to minister to the comfort of 
the passengers, and armed and mounted outriders 
in advance, to look after your safety through the 
dangerous districts, rushing along at an average 
speed of seven miles an hour, you can also imagine 
yourself in merry Old England instead of wild 
Young America. However, much depends upon 
the companions of your journey. The coach which 
preceded us carried a lone woman with eight small 
<'hildren. Think of enduring forty liours of that 
pent-up agony! Pity yourself, but more pity the 
poor woman ! The Democratic candidate for Con- 
gress came through with those cheerful surround- 
ings. He still lives to recount his sacrifices and 
achievements as dry nurse. Of course, there are 

42 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

all along suspicions of raiding redskins and fears 
of roving ''road agents"; but only enough for 
gentle excitement, healthy stimulus. Not a funeral 
note disturbed our ears, except one bright after- 
noon when an outrider turned aside to send a 
bullet through the heart of a stage-struck antelope. 
Timid people, perhaps, would not, at dead of 
night, enjoy the mingled cry of the coyote and 
the bark of the prairie-dog. But it is only a fron- 
tier welcome ; they are hannless serenaders. 

The first night, when well out on the plains, a 
grand reception awaited us. For three hours, on 
both sides of the roadway, there was one un- 
ending display of natural fireworks, fantastic, 
brilliant, beautiful. The camp-fire of some care- 
less emigrant had invaded the dry grass of the 
prairie. A brisk breeze had scattered the de- 
vouring element over a vast area of territory, and 
for fifty miles this gorgeous exhibition of pyro- 
technics made night glorious. The flames assumed 
strange, fantastic shapes. Where the growth of 
grass was rank and uniform a column of fire 
would rush along like the even flow of a cataract, 
one great gliding sheet of flame. Then again, for 
a long distance the thin grass was consumed 
away, leaving the huge tufts of thick growth still 
burning in disconnected clumps, dotting the plain 
like camp-fires of a great army. Here we were 
dazzled by a bright red crescent of advancing 
fire. It took all conceivable forms and shapes. 
Aa we went down into the bottom of an occasional 

43 



The Autohioiiraphii of Thomas Collier Piatt 

gulch, the glimpse of the burning highland was 
like that of a distant castle with towers and cham- 
bers all brilliantly illuminated. Be assured, for 
fireworks on a magnificent scale there is nothing 
that can exceed a northwestern prairie all ablaze, 
unless it be a Black Hills thunderstorm. The 
latter may be more brilliant, but is too brief to 
compete. 

Probably nothing can equal American avarice 
and enterprise. Here is Deadwood, a live city of 
5,000 inhabitants. Here stand the Black Hills, 
peopled with at least 15,000 busy souls, all dig- 
ging and pushing after the golden treasure of 
these mountains, where only a little more than 
two brief years ago hostile savages alone held 
sway. One year's work has wrought wondrous 
changes in these hills. The population has be- 
come steadfast, business legitimate, and the per- 
manent wealth of the country positively estab- 
lished. There can be no doubt that, everything 
considered, this is the richest mining section yet 
discovered on this continent. While the ore does 
not average as high as many discoveries of Colo- 
rado and California, yet its uniform freeness, the 
abundance of wood and water, the cheapness of 
supplies, and the great agricultural resources of 
the surrounding country, make the net products 
of legitimate mining operations more safe and 
satisfactory than anywhere else. AVith economical 
management, the cost of the entire process of 
getting gold here does not exceed $3.50 per ton; 

44 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

consequently, $6 ore pays well. The average yield 
probably is about $9 per ton, while some mines 
can show as high as $25 and $30. A safe estimate 
of the gold product of the Black Hills this year 
is $3,000,000. It is equally safe to predict that 
next year it will be double that. Eastern capital- 
ists have stood in their own light in neglecting 
the grand opportunities for investment which have 
been and still are opened here. California specu- 
lators are snatching up everything that is good as 
fast as discovered. They have already built two 
large eighty-stamp mills, said to be the finest 
in the world, one upon the "Father de Smet" 
lode, and the other on the "Home Stake," each 
mill costing the round sum of $175,000. The lat- 
ter is now in the full tide of successful operation, 
crushing nearly 200 tons of ore each day, and 
realizing at least $20,000 in gold each week. These 
same persons are constructing two other large 
mills for working other lodes, and are skimming 
the cream of the country. There are fully one 
thousand stamps already at work in these hills, 
pounding out the yellow bars. And still they come. 
One of the earliest and richest discoveries was the 
"Aurora" mine. Its average yield has been $25 
per ton. The title has been in dispute, and a 
desperate struggle has been in progress for fifteen 
months over this property. Last summer, one 
of the owners and original discoverers was shot 
down while defending possession. Very recently 
Judge Barnes, of the United States District 

45 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Court, has rendered a decision confinning the title 
of the persons in possession and dissolving the 
injunction which has so long tied up the mine, 
and now active operations are resumed. One of 
the lucky owners is the Hon. George E. Spencer, 
of Alabama, who is now here, and who, it is under- 
stood, after the expiration of his Senatorial term, 
will make the hills his home. He has already done 
the territory good service in securing the appro- 
priation which has resulted in building the new 
military post near here for the protection of the 
people. General Sheridan made an admirable lo- 
cation for this fort in a broad, fertile basin near 
Bear Butes, on a beautiful stream of water of 
the same name. The buildings in process of con- 
struction are being put up at small cost and are of 
a substantial character. 

The season has developed the agricultural pos- 
sibilities of the hills. No doubt remains of the 
ability to raise large crops in the fertile valleys 
which are found in all directions. Vegetables of 
all kinds have been cultivated with great success, 
and the quality and quantity of the potato crop 
has astonished everybody. It is deemed sufficient 
to supply the winter wants of the entire popula- 
tion, and is selling at the moderate price of one 
dollar a bushel. Petroleum springs have been dis- 
covered about fifty miles from here on the Chey- 
enne Road, and the crude oil is being used quite 
extensively in the mills for lubricating purposes. 
Some adequate idea of the character and volume 

46 



The Autobiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

of the business of Deadwood can be formed from 
the fact that a Chicago house within a year past 
has sold the merchants over half a million dollars 
worth of groceries without losing a single dollar 
by bad debts. 

A new United States district judge for this part 
of the territoiy has recently been appointed to 
fill a vacancy. The administration has honored 
itself in the selection of the man for the place, 
and greatly gratified the entire bar of the terri- 
tory. It is the first instance, in the history of 
Dakota, that a bona-fide resident of the territory 
has been chosen to fill a Federal office.- It is a 
popular plan, especially when men of the char- 
acter of Judge Moody, the new incumbent, can 
be found within the borders, willing to sacrifice 
a large practice for the meager salary of such a 
judgeship. He has been for many years a resi- 
dent of Yankton, and is universally conceded to 
be a man of rare legal attainments and strict in- 
tegrity. He is a native New Yorker, and the 
brother-in-law of Hon. Thomas G. Alvord, of 
Syracuse, where he received his legal education in 
the oflBce of Judge Morgan. 

T. C. P. 



I have heretofore had some sport with Charles 
Lewis, the Owego village bootblack. His quaint 
utterances gave me many a chance for a good 
story, which I promptly jotted down and sub- 

47 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

mitted to the periodicals of the day. One of 
them, that was accepted and printed by Harper's 
Magazine in March, 1872, happens to occur to me. 
Here it is : 

Charles Lewis, the illustrious bootblack, whose 
name the columns of the "Drawer" have hereto- 
fore rendered immortal, still lives and "shines" 
on the shores of the majestic Susquehanna, at the 
village of Owego, N. Y. This professor of the 
science of bettering man's understanding has the 
reputation of being a "born fool"; but, as a col- 
ored preacher once originally remarked, "out of 
the mouths of babes and suckers occasionally 
spouts up the crude kerosene of wisdom." 

Although weak in intellect, Charles is strong 
in his religious faith, and a devoted member of 
the Methodist Church; but he has not yet learned 
to subdue his angry passions under adverse cir- 
cumstances. Sometimes, when the boys of Belial 
conspire to irritate him, the "old boy" takes pos- 
session of him, and he indulges in language more 
forcible than pious or polite. Like many other 
professional gentlemen, Charlie boasts of his pedi- 
gree, and always points with pride to the fact that 
his father was an immediate descendant of the 
aboriginal Mr. Lo, and his maternal ancestor was 
of high Dutch extraction. 

A few days since his spiritual guardian, Rev. 

Mr. B , met our simple hero and proceeded to 

read him a mild lecture for a recent violent out- 

48 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

burst of passion, in which the poor parishioner had 
publicly made use of the most unpardonable pro- 
fanity. The accused pleaded in extenuation of his 
misdemeanor that his provocation was great — 
that he was taunted and tormented by wicked boys 
beyond human endurance. 

"Nevertheless, my dear brother," said the kind- 
hearted pastor, "you should keep in mind the suf- 
ferings and example of our blessed Lord and 
Savior, who was persecuted even unto death; who 
was brought as a lamb to the slaughter; and as a 
sheep before the shearers is dumb, so he opened 
not his mouth." 

A smile of triumph, of new-born intelligence, il- 
lumined the bootblack's woe-begone face, as he 
significantly answered : 

"Elder, that was bully; but probably he wasn't 
half Injun, and the other half Dutch." 



49 





■^ 






\ 




GEN. U. S. GRANT 



CHAPTER in 

1860-1873 

I don a Lincoln Wide-mvake uniform — Am in- 
itiated into the mystery of President-making 
— Why I forswore my first Congressional 
nomination — Debut as a lawmaker — Write 
lampoons o?i Greeley. 

With song and torch, and wearing a "Wide-awake 
uniform, I did all I could in my home district in 
1860 to put Abraham Lincoln, the great Emanci- 
pator, in the White House. Four years later I 
aided in the repetition of this triumph, and to 
make Reuben E. Fenton Governor of New York. 
Nowhere was the shock of the assassination of the 
greatest of all Presidents more stunning than in 
the little village where, along with otlter young 
men, I was striving to build up just such a party 
as Lincoln desired and advocated. I had become 
chairman of the Tioga County Republican Com- 
mittee. I identified myself with the organization 
which Roscoe Conkling, as successor to Thurlow 
Weed, was just beginning to lead. It seemed as 
if the tragic death of Lincoln and the elevation of 
Andrew Johnson to his seat meant that we might 
as well surrender hope of maintaining our party 

51 



The Autobiography of Thovias Collier Piatt 

in tlie State and nation. From the beginning of 
the Johnson administration, there was not the 
slightest sympathy between it and the New York 
leaders. Therefore, there could not be between 
it and the rank and file. 

It was with intense delight that, acting in har- 
mony with the most representative Republicans 
in the Empire State, I joined in making sure that 
the New York delegation to the National Conven- 
tion of 1868 supported General Ulysses S. Grant 
for the Presidency. There was great joy in the 
Southern tier counties when news came that he 
had been nominated. It was redoubled when the 
returns showed him to have defeated Horatio 
Seymour, who had twice been the Democratic Gov- 
ernor of New York, and who had been charged 
with secretly, if not openly, sympathizing with 
the rebels who sought to dismember the Eepublic. 

The election of Grant placed the Republican 
party on a firmer footing in New York than it had 
enjoyed since its birth. His administration gave 
the lie to Democratic boasts that the party behind 
him was of mere mushroom growth, and would 
disintegrate and disappear as had others formed 
to supplant that which had ruled the Government 
for the better part of a century. The wise, con- 
servative conduct of the Government under Grant, 
and his conciliatory policy toward the men who 
had conspired to destroy the Union, caused him 
to become a popular idol, which warranted and 
resulted in his reuomination and reelection in 1872. 



52 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 



NAMED FOR CONGRESS, BUT DECLINE 

In the fall of 1870, while about to embark in 
the lumber business in the wilds of Michigan, I 
received a message that I had been nominated for 
Congress in my home district. It was then known 
as the Twenty-sixth District. I had given my 
sworn pledge, before leaving home, that the in- 
fluence of my friends and myself would be exerted 
to secure the nomination of Milo Goodrich, of 
Tompkins. I wired to my followers that they must 
reconvene the convention and name Goodrich. 
They answered that, after a thousand ballots, it 
had been found impossible to agree upon Good- 
rich, or anybody but myself. I wrote a letter 
emphatically declining the nomination. The 
grounds were contained in this: 

I have just received unofficial but authentic in- 
foi-mation of the final action of the Republican 
convention at Owego, in putting me in nomination 
as a candidate for Congress; and I make haste 
to advise you of my position and determination 
in the matter. While I most gratefully appreciate 
the compliment intended, the peculiar circum- 
stances of the case render acceptance impossible, 
and compel me to unqualifiedly decline the nomi- 
nation. 

In view of the well-known facts that I was 
chosen a delegate to this convention, publicly and 
privately pledged to an unwavering support of 

53 



The Autobio^rnphji of Thomas Collier Plait 

Milo Goodrich, Esq., of Tompkins County, and 
that in my absence from the convention the pres- 
ent result was reached without the sanction or 
concurrence of Mr. Goodrich and his friends, it 
must be the unanimous verdict of the party in the 
district that I have no rightful claim to the nomi- 
nation, and would not be entitled to the respect 
or support of the party if I should accept it. I 
am of the opinion that political preferment ob- 
tained at the expense of old friendships and per- 
sonal honor must prove hollow and unsatisfying. 

I also believe that all true Republicans will agree 
with me in the sentiment, — better no nomination 
than a nominee tainted with even the suspicion 
of treachery and dishonor. 

Again returning my sincere thanks to you and 
the convention, and hoping for a speedy and har- 
monious solution of our difficulties, I beg leave 
to tender my declination of the distinguished 
honor. With great respect. 

Your obedient servant, 

T. C. Platt. 

To Hon. E. J. Agard, Chairman, Republican Con- 
gressional Convention, Twenty-sixth District, 
N. Y. 

This message was ignored, so I hastened home 
and demanded that the convention be reconvened. 
It was so ordered. Mr. Goodrich was nominated 
and elected by a very large majority. 

54 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 



I MEET CONKLING 

It was in 1870, too, that I really began to know 
Eoscoe Conkling. He had gradually assumed the 
leadership ef the party, laid down by Thurlow 
Weed. We came together quite intimately at the 
Republican State convention at Saratoga in Sep- 
tember. There, after a bitter contest, he handily 
defeated Senator Reuben E. Fenton for control 
of the nomination of the State ticket and the domi- 
nation of the regular organization. 

Conkling was then one of the handsomest men 
I ever met. He was over six feet tall, of slender 
build, and stood straight as an arrow. His hair 
was just turning gray. A curl, described as 
Hyperion, rolled over his forehead. An imperial 
added much to the beauty of his Apollo-like ap- 
pearance. His noble figure, flashing eye and ma- 
jestic voice made one forget that he was some- 
what foppish in his dress. 

Fenton neither in looks nor mental qualifica- 
tions was to be compared with Conkling. He 
resembled a backwoods farmer who has just 
dropped into town for the day. Bunches of scrag- 
gly whiskers fringing his under jaws provoked 
detractors to label him "Spinach." 

During his first two terms as governor, from 
1865 to 1869, Fenton had welded together a fol- 
lowing pledged to unhorse Conkling. He ingrati- 
ated himself into the favor of President Grant, 

55 



TJie Autohiographi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

and secured the appointment of many friends to 
desirable Federal offices. 

Conkling proudly declined to beg patronage, 
though warned that his rival would pick all the 
cherries off the tree. He answered; "All things 
come to him who waits." 

fenton's treachery 

And they did. At the Saratoga convention of 
1870 Conkling whipped Fenton to a finish. I helped 
him to do it. Conkling was at once recognized 
by President Grant as the party leader in New 
York. He nominated General Stewart L. "Wood- 
ford for governor, secured two-thirds of the mem- 
bers of the State committee, and made Alonzo B. 
Cornell chairman. 

The State ticket was defeated through the 
treachery of the Fenton men in New York. Many 
of them were holding lucrative municipal places 
under Tammany Hall by grace of the notorious 
William M. Tweed. Chairman Cornell discovered 
that seventy-five per cent, of the officers of the 
Republican County Committee, and district lead- 
ers, were drawing pay from sinecures under Tweed 
and Tammany. 

Fenton men gave as one excuse for knifing the 
ticket the removal of Moses PI. Grinnell, and the 
appointment of Thomas Murphy as Collector of 
the Port of New York. 

One result of Conkling's maintaining his grip 

56 



TJie Antohiograpluj of TJiomas Collier Piatt 

on the State organization was the reading out of 
it all Kepublicans who clung to office under 
Tammany. 

I devoted the spring and summer of 1871 to 
disintegrating the Fenton forces in the State, 
knowing full well that in the fall there would be 
a battle to the finish for machine supremacy. I 
found time, however, to now and then take a bit of 
recreation. July Fourth I joined with my fellow 
villagers in an old-fashioned Independence Day 
celebration. There were fantastics and cannon, 
and firecrackers and balloon ascensions, the usual 
number of hands and fingers amputated and a 
glorious display of fireworks at night. My friends 
insisted upon my making a speech during the day. 
It was the briefest I recall having delivered. I 
have been told that it was the best short speech 
I ever wrote. It was a burlesque on the Declara- 
tion of Independence, and was addressed to a 
group of funmakers, who were indulging in a 
noisy demonstration over the birth of our nation. 

The speech ran like this : 



**THE EAGLE LET LOOSE" 



My Lords and Gentlemen, High Joint Commis- 
sioners and Low Jack Masquers: When in the 
course of human events it becomes necessary for 
the people of the rural districts to let loose the 
American eagle, and a particular locality is hon- 

57 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

ored with such royal visitation, and imposing dis- 
play as your presence presents, a decent respect 
to the opinions of mankind requires that some- 
body say something. 

Our forefathers did thus-wise in the days that 
tried men's soles and uppers. Our five fathers 
of this village are disposed to do likewise, even in 
these days of taxes that trv men's calf skins. 

They have commissioned me to express to you, 
with all the wealth of Webster's Unabridged, and 
with all the strength of spirits undiluted, the pent- 
up emotions of their patriotic souls. 

President Grant lent his powerful aid to the 
wholesale decapitation of Tammany Republicans, 
to which I referred in a previous paragraph. 
There followed a complete reorganization of the 
New York County party machinery. Horace 
Oreeley, who, like Fenton, wore a little bunch of 
whiskers under his chin, and who was constantly 
assailing, in the New York Tribune, Grant, Conk- 
ling and all others responsible for the downfall 
of the Fenton-Tammany clique, took the chair- 
manship of the old Fenton committee. 

CONKLING CRUSHES FENTON AGAIN 

The real Conkling-Fenton clash came at the 
State convention of 1871 at Syracuse. It was a 
riotous gathering. State Chairman Cornell called 
the convention to order. General George H. 

58 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Sharpe named xVndrew D. White, of Tompkins, for 
temporary chairman. General Edwin A. Merritt 
proposed Chauncey M. Depew. Chairman Cornell 
quickly ruled out Depew because he was not a 
delegate. Colonel Anson G. AVood placed G. Hil- 
ton Scribner in nomination. 

Belligerent members of the rival New York 
County delegations fought for possession of the 
stage. Chairman Cornell, his deputies and the 
police, tried for hours to restore order. When 
Cornell announced that neither of the warring 
New York County factions could vote on conven- 
tion chairman, he risked serious bodily injury. 
White finally beat Scribner, the Fenton choice, by 
188 to 159. 

A majority of the Committee on Credentials de- 
clared for the Conkling delegates, but recom- 
mended that both contending wings be allowed 
seats in the convention. The minority reported 
in favor of the Fenton crowd. AMien it seemed all 
but certain that the Fenton men would win, Conk- 
ling took the floor and saved the day. He con- 
vinced the convention that a horde of ballot box 
pirates, whose firm name was Tammany Hall, had 
clutched New York County by the throat, tam- 
pered with, debauched, and controlled the Repub- 
lican organization there. 

The Fenton delegates bolted after the majority 
report had been approved by a majority of forty. 
Though they and their friends again tried to 
slaughter the Republican State ticket, it was 

59 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

elected. Conkling's supremacy as a leader was 
maintained. The Grant administration was up- 
held, and Tweed's and Tammany's attempt to 
purchase Republican leaders was overwhelmingly 
rebuked. 

I ENTER CONGKESS 

From the day I met Conkling we were on con- 
fidential terms. I had been selected by him to lock 
after the Southern tier counties, and I made fre- 
quent trips to Washington to consult with him. 
Though to strangers he appeared cold and austere, 
to me he was companionable and sought my ad- 
vice on practically every phase of New York po- 
litical conditions. I happened to be in Washing- 
ton during the session of 1871, when Conkling was 
called upon to kill the Sumner constitutional 
amendment, making a man who had once held 
the Presidency ineligible to that office. Of course 
this was aimed at Grant. In an humble way I 
joined Conkling in helping to strangle the plot. 
And with that act all doubt of the renomination 
of Grant in 1872 was dissipated. 

When Grant had been named for a second term 
my constitutents again insisted that T go to Con- 
gress. I was reluctant to do so, but I did wish 
to make sure of the reelection of President Grant, 
and was assured that by taking a nomination I 
would aid much in rolling up a big majority for 
Grant in the Southern tier. I accepted a nomina- 
tion in the following speech : 

CO 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 



MY SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 

There is an old adage, a German proverb, I 
believe, which quaintly tells us that "Speech is 
silver, silence is gold." A little of the one and 
plenty of the other are what make up the wealth 
of eloquence. And happy is the man who possesses 
these goodly gifts in abundance and harmonious 
proportions, and understands how to bestow them 
upon his fellow men with generosity and judg- 
ment. As for my humble self, I acknowledge my 
poverty. I frankly confess that I have neither 
silver nor gold. I can make no claims to richness 
of speech; nor can I boast of any achievements 
which in their golden silence can speak for me; 
but I would be bankrupt and beggar, indeed, if I 
could not command some trifling small change of 
thought and expression to convey to you my deep 
and absorbing appreciation of the distinguished 
honor you have just conferred upon me, in making 
me your Congressional standard-bearer during 
this momentous campaign. From the fullness of 
my heart I thank you for the great and unmerited 
compliment; and, believe me, it is all the more 
gratifying and flattering, coming, as I am assured 
it does, with such unanimity, such entire harmony 
and general good feeling. 

But, gentlemen, let me also assure you that I am 
not vain or foolish enough to imagine for a mo- 
ment that any claims or merits of my own have 
guided you in making your selection. I fully ap- 

61 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Plait 

predate the fact that better names have been sug- 
gested, and hundreds of stronger and more avail- 
able candidates could have been presented to yon 
for consideration. And yet I think I rightly un- 
derstand that the events of two years ago have 
given me this undeserved prominence, and that 
my poor name is put forth simply as that of an 
earnest and enthusiastic representative of true 
Republican principles — of those principles which 
can only be maintained and perpetuated by fidelity 
to friends and loyalty to party. The occurrences 
of that protracted and disgraceful struggle of two 
years ago, and the mortifying results which have 
followed as a fit sequence, are still fresh in the 
minds of all of us. 

(Goodrich, on whose nomination I had insisted 
in 1870, proved untrue to every friend who sup- 
ported him, and broke practically every ante-elec- 
tion promise he made.) 

There is no doubt but what your action of to- 
day will be interpreted by many as an endorse- 
ment of men who dare, under all circumstances, 
to be true to their promises and faithful to their 
obhgations — as an expression of your abhorrence 
of all manner of political infidelity and treachery. 

Should I be elected (and I trust you and I and 
all of us can see no other possible conclusion of 
this day's business), I may not be able to bring 
to the discharge of my duties the **oily tongue 
and persuasive voice." Yet I shall hope, by ear- 
nest work, by honest votes, and a watchful care 

62 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

of your interests, to make amends for any such 
deficiency; and I shall earnestly strive to make 
my course command your confidence and appro- 
bation. 

Of one thing you may rest confidentially as- 
sured: you shall at least have the comfort of re- 
alizing that you have a Republican to represent 
you. Yes, I promise you more: you shall have 
the satisfaction of seeing and knowing that you 
have a Republican representative, who is in full 
and hearty sympathy with the wise and beneficent 
and patriotic administration of Ulysses S. Grant — 
that President and that administration which are 
already guaranteed a four-years' extension of 
power by the recent emphatic endorsement of the 
loyal people of Ohio, Indiana and the glorious old 
Keystone State. I will conclude by simply re- 
peating the assurance that I am keenly alive to the 
honors, obligations and responsibilities which your 
choice has conferred upon me. Again thanking 
you for the exalted compliment, I beg leave to 
tender my grateful acceptance of your nomination. 

A SATIRE ON GREELEY 

It was during this campaign that I became again 
bucolic, and wrote some articles for home con- 
sumption. Horace Greeley, the editor of the New 
York Tribune, who had not secured all he wanted 
from the Grant administration, bolted the nomina- 
tions of his party, and suddenly emerged as the 

63 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Presidential c<in(lidate of the so-called Democratic- 
Liberal-Republican party. The temptation to lam- 
poon him was too great to be resisted. So, one 
day, I dashed off a ditty, known as the "Greeley 
Pill." It was set to the air of ''Captain Kidd." 
Here it is : 

Oh. we Democrats forlorn, 
(Chorus) We're so sick, oh, we're so sick! 

Hungry, fainting, weak and worn, 
(Chorus) We're so sick! 

Out of office, out of place, 
Out of hope and out of grace. 

We must make a change of base, 
(Chorus) We're so sick, oh, we're so sickl 

We must make a change of base, 
(Chorus) We're so sick, oh, we're so sick! 

We want a bitter pill, 
(Chorus) We're so sick, oh, we're so sick! 

One that's sure to cure or kill, 
(Chorus) We're so sick! 

For these twelve long years and more 

On Disaster's barren shore. 

We've landed needy, seedy, sore, 
(Chorus) We're so sick! 

Call u8 drunkards, liars, knaves, 
(Chorus) We're so sick, oh. we're so sick! 

Call us cowards, traitors, slaves, 
(Chorus) We're so sick! 

Brand us murderers as you will. 

Kick and lash us, we'll lie still, 

Dr. Greeley, Just one pill. 
We're so sick! 

Mix It up of all your worst. 
(Chorus) We're so sick, oh, we're so sick! 
Yes, of all your isms cursed, 

64 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 



(Chorus) We're so sick! 

Slanders, libels, scourge and thorn. 
"Boiled crow," with hate and scorn, 

Oh. Gabriel, blow your horn. 
We're so sick! 

We must have the Greeley pill, 
(Chorus) We're so sick, oh, we're so sick! 

'Tis a nauseous dose, we know. 

And will gripe and purge us so, 

But the pill has got to go, 
(Chorus) We're so sick! 

Dr. Greeley, hear our cry, 
(Chorus) We're so sick, oh, we're so sick! 

Come and help us ere we die, 
(Chorus) We're so sick. oh. we're so sick! 

Come from old Chappaqua's vale, 

Bring your pill bags without fall. 

Bring the Tribune's whitewash pail, 
(Chorus) We're so sick! 

Behold us on our knees, 
(Chorus) We're so sick, oh, so sick! 

Give us anything you please, 
(Chorus) We're so sick! 

Bitter though it be as gall. 

We will gulp It down this Fall, 
(Chorus) We're so sick! 

Grant and Wilson swept every Northern State 
at the November elections. They had a popular 
majority of 763,007 over Greeley and Brown, and 
scored 286 to 18 in the Electoral College. General 
John A. Dix, Republican, defeated Francis 
Kernan, Democrat, for governor, by 40,000 plu- 
rality, and again the State had a Republican 
administration. 



65 




THOMAS COLLIER PLATT, 1873 



CHAPTEE IV 

1873-1879 

Narrow escape from being a real big boss quick — 
Why I fougJit for Grant and specie-payment 
resumption — Espouse the cause of Hayes 
against Tilden — Ingratitude of Hayes and 
how New York Republicans punished it — 
That Boy Curtis." 



ft 



It was in 1873 that I experienced my first nar- 
row escape from being precipitately propelled into 
the party leadership, a full decade before it was 
actually awarded to me. Chief Justice of the Su- 
preme Court Salmon P. Chase died in May of that 
year. Senator Conkling was besought by Presi- 
dent Grant, his brother Republicans and lawyers 
and our party newspapers to become Chase's 
successor. 

Conkling, Chester A. Arthur, Alonzo B. Cornell 
and myself, as well as others influential in the 
organization, had many consultations about this. 
Conkling, while considering the tender of the Chief 
Justiceship nearly a fortnight, often assured me 
that should he accept he would employ his author- 
ity and good wishes to place his mantle upon my 
shoulders. 

67 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Finally, however, the Senator concluded to de- 
cline to go upon the bench. In a letter to Presi- 
dent Grant, November 20, 1873, Conkling wrote: 

*'I ask you to let your choice fall upon another 
who, however else qualified, believes as man and 
lawyer, as I believe, in the measures you have 
upheld in war and peace/' 

In explaining to me and other friends why he 
was loth to ascend the loftiest bench in the land, 
Conkling said: 

*'I could not take the place, for I would be 
forever gnawing my chains," 

The financial panic of 1873 produced every con- 
ceivable kind of crazy legislation, which its pro- 
moters promised would prove a panacea for ills 
from which the business world was suffering. One 
of the most iniquitous plans presented was the 
*' inflation" act. It provided for the redemption 
and reissue of U. S. notes and for free banking. 

I was among the foremost of its opponents in 
the House. I regarded it as most vicious, con- 
tended that the country had been suffering too 
much already from an excess of paper money, and 
urged that the Government at once resume specie 
payments. 

GBANT VETOES THE INFLATION ACT 

Conkling and Eastern Republicans generally 
made a fight against the legislation in both Senate 
and House, but Senators and Representatives from 

68 



The Autobiograp/ii/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

the South and West combined to put the bill 
through both branches of Congress. 

I joined opponents of the bill in imploring Presi- 
dent Grant to veto the act. He answered our 
prayers. That veto was the forerunner of the 
legislation that ultimately enabled us to return to 
a specie basis. Let it be said to the credit of 
every succeeding national administration that that 
policy has never been abandoned, though it has 
been under fire from theorists and repudiation- 
ists. That the President, long before the resump- 
tion of specie payment was finally enacted into 
law, had made up his mind that repudiation of 
honest debts and the establishment of Greenback- 
ism as a national policy should not be tolerated, 
was made manifest when, after a White House 
conference, a memorandum in Grant's handwrit- 
ing was circulated. It read : 

**I believe it a high and plain duty to return to 
a specie basis at the earliest practicable day, and 
not only in compliance with legislative and party 
pledges, but as a step indispensable to lasting 
prosperity. 

**I would like to see a provision that at a fixed 
day, say July 1, 1876, the currency issue by the 
United States should be redeemed in coin on 
presentation to any assistant treasurer, and that 
all currency so redeemed should be canceled and 
never reissue. To effect this it would be necessary 
to authorize the issue of bonds, payable in gold, 
bearing such interest as would command par in 

69 



The Antohiograplnj of Thomas Collier Piatt 

gold, to bo put out by the Treasurer only in such 
sums as should from time to time be needed for 
the purpose of redemption." 

Gross injustice has been done to President 
Grant in ascribing to Rutherford B. Hayes and 
John Sherman all the credit for the inception and 
enactment of the law which did so much to re- 
store commercial confidence. While not disposed 
to rob either Hayes or Sherman of their share, 
I desire to accord to Grant the greatest measure 
of approbation for his conception of a policy which 
has endured to the present hour. 

TILDE N DEFEATS DIX 

A Prohibition wave, coupled with popular re- 
sentment against a Republican and Democratic 
Congressional attempt to repeal the reconstruction 
act, one of the monuments of the Grant adminis- 
tration, contributed toward giving New York 
State to the Democrats in 1874 by 50,000 majority. 

Governor Dix had proved a most admirable 
executive. But he had refused to be bulldozed 
by advocates of an absolute confiscation of brew- 
cries and other establishments in which intoxicants 
were made or sold. The result was that thousands 
of so-called Republicans either voted the straight 
Prohibition or the Democratic ticket. The cam- 
paign developed a new and sagacious politician in 
Samuel J. Tilden, the Democratic candidate for 
governor. He originated and inaugurated a cau- 

70 



The Autobiographi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

vass by school districts. To each voter he ad- 
dressed an autograph letter, soliciting his personal 
support. 

Tilden's gilded pills and promises of '^ reform," 
of everything conceivable, sent straight to the 
individual suffragist, flattered them much. Many 
thousands of votes did he secure by this unctuous 
method of campaigning. 

After he had taken the oath of office. Governor 
Tilden *' opened the books." They showed that 
Dix and his associates had fulfilled their pledges 
to the people. 

Though Tilden proclaimed during his canvass 
that he had discovered a corrupt Republican canal 
ring, which he purposed to destroy, at no time did 
he bring to the door of any Republican State of- 
ficial e\ddence of the indiscriminate accusations 
uttered by him upon the stump. The failure of 
Tilden to make good his charges, and the offensive 
partisanship of his administration, enabled us to 
restore our party in control of the Legislature 
in 1875. This served as a curb upon the Janus- 
like Tilden, and very little of his proposed revolu- 
tionary and partisan legislation became law. 

CONKLING INDORSED FOR PRESmENT 

During the latter part of 1875 Conkling had be- 
come so intrenched in the leadership of the U. S. 
Senate, and so universally recognized as the 
.spokesman for President Grant, that friends of 

71 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

the national executive in New York rallied to put 
him in the "White House. 

My intimate association with the Oneida states- 
man had taught me not only to admire, but to love 
him. I made it my pleasure and task to so help 
to organize the Empire State Eepublicans, that 
we might have a solid delegation for Conkling to 
the National Convention of 1876. That solid dele- 
gation was chosen at Syracuse, March 22 of that 
year. Unanimously were resolutions approved, 
declaring that: 

"We present Roscoe Conkling to the National 
Republican Convention as our choice for Presi- 
dent. We give assurance that the nomination of 
our candidate will secure beyond question the 
thirty-five electoral votes of New York for the 
Republican electoral ticket." 

Alonzo B. Cornell headed the delegation to the 
Cincinnati convention, which met June 14. His 
associate delegates-at-large were Henry Higland 
Garnett, Theodore M. Pomeroy and James M. 
Matthews. 

Among other delegates, including myself, were 
General Stewart L. Woodford, former Governor 
Edwin D. Morgan, Sherman S. Rogers, Benjamin 
K. Phelps, Marshall 0. Roberts, Charles M. Den- 
nison and Frank Hiscock. 

Governor Morgan was chairman of the Repub- 
lican National Committee. He called the National 
Convention to order. New York won the first 
skirmish by making Pomeroy temporary chairman. 

72 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Plait 

I was delegated to act as chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Credentials. General Woodford, who 
I see has recently parted with his mutton-chop 
whiskers, in a speech, eloquent and polished, 
placed Conkling in nomination. He eulogized our 
candidate in this way : 

GENEH.IL. WOODFORD 'S EULOGY 

**He is a positive quantity in politics. Through 
the dark and trying hours when slander and mis- 
representation hissed at the silent, brave man 
whom we have twice placed in the Presidential 
chair, he was the faithful and true friend of 
Ulysses S. Grant. I believe that Conkling can 
carry New York. There is in New York a vote 
that is neither Republican nor Democratic ; a vote 
that went for Dix in 1872; a vote that went for 
Tilden in 1874. Give us a candidate with whom 
and under whom we can achieve victory; that 
means honesty in finance, loyalty in government 
and absolute protection to the lowliest and hum- 
blest under the flag of our fathers." 

The New York delegation howled itself hoarse 
during and at the end of Woodford's speech. 

Connecticut presented Marshall Jewell ; Indiana, 
Oliver P. Morton; Kentucky, Benjamin H. Bris- 
tow. Robert G. Ingersoll, in the greatest speech 
I ever heard him deliver, named James G. Blaine, 
of Maine. Rutherford B. Hayes was presented 
by Governor Edward F. Noyes, of Ohio. Pennsyl- 

73 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

vania asked the nomination of Governor John F. 
Hartranft. 

The balloting began on the morning of the 17th 
inst. Blaine led on the first, with 285; Morton 
had 124; Bristow, 113; Conkling, 99; Hayes, 61; 
Hartranft, 58; Jewell, 12, and Wheeler, 3. All the 
New Yorkers except George William Curtis stood 
firm for Conkling. He also received 1 vote from 
California; 3 from Florida; 8 from Georgia; 1 
each from Iowa, Michigan, Mississippi, Missouri 
and Nevada; 7 from North Carolina; and 3 each 
from Texas and Virginia. 

After the second ballot, in which Blaine gained 
11 and Haves 3, the convention was thrown into 
a turmoil because of an attempt to enforce a rule 
by which every delegation must vote as a unit. 
Permanent Chairman Edward McPherson, of 
Pennsylvania, ruled that "every individual mem- 
ber has a right to vote according to his individual 
sentiments." 

' There was a prolonged and acrimonious debate. 
Appeal after appeal was taken, but Chairman 
McPherson 's rulings were invariably sustained. 

The third and fourth ballots resulted in Conk- 
ling losing 6 votes from the South. New York 
stood pat for him, except that A. A. Low, of Brook- 
lyn, deserted to Bristow. 

HAYES NOMINATED 

On the seventh ballot, the Indiana delegation 
deserted Morton, and went almost in a solid bunch 

74 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

for Haves. Conkling, who had not been at any 
time confident of securing the nomination, knew it 
was all up with him then. A quick consultation 
between him and Cornell, Pomeroy, Arthur and 
myself brought about an agreement that we should 
follow Indiana and flock to the Ohio candidate. 

When New York was called, we threw 61 votes 
for Hayes. This made his total 384, or 6 more 
than were needed to nominate him. 

William H. Robertson, James W. Husted, Jacob 
Worth, Jacob W. Hoysradt, James M. Marvin, 
Stephen Sanford, Amos V. Smiley and James C. 
Feter refused to join the majority of us in cast- 
ing only votes for Hayes. They threw theirs to 
Blaine. 

The final ballot gave Hayes, 384; Blaine, 351; 
Bristow, 21. Hayes' nomination, amid trium- 
phant yells from the Ohioans, was made unani- 
mous. 

New York was given a consolation prize in 
William A. Wheeler, who was named for Vice- 
President. 

There was no joy in New York over the Hayes 
nomination. Empire State Republicans had been 
a practical unit for Conkling. They were sorely 
disappointed. Conkling himself took his defeat 
much to heart. I am inclined to agree with the 
statements of several delegates to the National 
Convention that had Conkling mixed more with 
people outside the State he would have won at 
Cincinnati. Up to the hour he became a candidate 

75 



The Autobiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

for the Presidential nomination, he had shown him- 
self in but two States beyond his own — Pennsyl- 
vania and New Jersey. The masses did not know 
him. They seemed to regard him as frigid, re- 
pellent and exclusive, and this was, except to his 
intimates, true of him. 



TFLDEN Hayes's antagonist 

Disheartened, but determined to do all we could 
for the ticket, we came home. We did our level 
best to hold the State for Hayes. The Democrats, 
however, had been shrewd enough to adopt the 
policy our delegation had contended for at Cin- 
cinnati — that of naming a New Yorker for Presi- 
dent. They chose Governor Tilden. Then they 
selected Thomas A. Hendricks for Vice-President, 
from the doubtful State of Indiana. Desperately 
as we labored, we could not arouse the voters for 
Hayes. Conkling, though fully intending to com- 
ply with Hayes' written request that he stiunp the 
West, was unable to make more than two speeches, 
and those in his own State. For seven weeks, 
owing to an affection of the eyes and a malarial 
malady, he was forced to remain in a dark room. 
This happening during the heat of the campaign, 
deprived Hayes and us of his invaluable services 
in the council chamber and on the field. 

That Tilden should defeat Hayes by 33,000 plu- 
rality in New York did not surprise me. That 

76 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Tilden had carried the country seemed all but 
certain election night. 

But on that night, evidence of the grossest 
Democratic frauds in Louisiana, South Carolina, 
Florida and other Southern States was secured 
by Chairman Zachariah Chandler, of the Republi- 
can National Committee. These were ably ex- 
posed by the New York Times, through the match- 
less news generalship of John C. Reid, then man- 
aging editor of that newspaper. 

So glaring was the testimony of crookedness 
practiced in behalf of the Democratic nominee, 
that the Republican leaders determined to place 
it before the House of Representatives, and ascer- 
tain who had been honestly elected. 

TILDEN MEN CRY WAR 

The Democrats, led by Chairman Abram S. 
Hewitt, of the National Committee, threatened 
civil war if such a course were resorted to. For- 
mer Confederate army officers announced their 
purpose of heading their old commands, march- 
ing on to Washington, and seating Tilden at the 
point of the bayonet. 

Panic seized the country. An invasion of the 
national capital would probably have been ordered 
had any other man than General Ulysses S. Grant 
been President. 

When the bloodthirsty Tilden men had been ap- 
prised that the chief of the Union armies during 

77 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Flatt 

the war of secession was quite as prepared to put 
down this as he had the previous rebellion, they 
calmed down somewhat. 

Early in January of 1877, Senator George F. 
Edmunds, of Vermont, presented the initial act 
intended to provide for an inquiry as to who had 
been legally elected President and Vice-President. 
It called for the appointment of a committee, which, 
later submitted what was afterward known as the 
famous Electoral Commission bill. The men who 
actually prepared this measure were Senators 
Edmunds, Freylinghuysen, of New Jersey, and 
Conkling, Republicans; and Senators Bayard, of 
Delaware, and Gordon, of Georgia, and Repre- 
sentatives Randall, of Pennsylvania, and Hewitt, 
of New York, Democrats. 

The bill provided that the Senate and House 
should each appoint five members, and these, with 
five Associate Justices of the Supreme Court, 
should constitute a commission to decide concern- 
ing the certificates of electoral votes. 

President Grant gave his most cordial endorse- 
ment, believing it to be the fairest and most prac- 
ticable method of ascertaining how the people had 
really cast their ballots. 

The House, though Democratic by a large ma- 
jority, passed the Electoral Commission Bill by a 
vote of 191 to 86. The Senate approved it by 47 
to 17. Twenty-six Democrats joined with twenty- 
one Republicans in putting it through. 

78 



The Autobiography of Thoinas Collier Piatt 



SPEECH ON" ELECTORAL COMMISSION 

I participated in the House debate and enthu- 
siastically declared for the approval of the act. 
My views were expressed in a speech delivered 
January 25, 1877. Here it is : 

Mr. Speaker, to me the following reasons seem 
to justify completely the vote I mean to cast for 
this bill : 

First. "Wliile I firmly believe that Governor 
Hayes was fairly elected President, I cannot deny 
that a large number of citizens and members of 
this House believe with equal sincerity that Mr. 
Tilden was elected. It is an election so close that 
all admit that the vote of one State, and that one 
vote of that State, must decide the result. It is 
a disputed election; the title to the office of Presi- 
dent is not so clear in the minds of the people that 
Governor Hayes, if he were put into office without 
such an adjustment as this bill purposes, would 
have that general and universal consent to his 
administration which is necessary to the welfare 
of the country. In supporting this measure, I do 
not conceive that I surrender any rights that are 
rights. If I held a piece of real estate, the title 
to which was clouded, I should ask the proper 
authority to look into it and give me a clear title. 
I should not thereby declare or confess that I had 
no faith in my own right, but rather that I had 
so firm a faith that I was willing to submit all 

79 



The Autobiographi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

the facts to an honest and proper tribunal and 
abide by its decision. 

Second. That the matter of settlement pro- 
posed in this bill is constitutional and legal I can- 
not doubt, when I, who am no lawj'er, realize the 
fact that it was framed by the most eminent law- 
yers of both political parties in both Houses, and 
that in the Senate it received the support and 
votes of the ablest constitutional law\'ers who are 
members of that body. If I, a layman, should 
hesitate to take their opinion, I should only con- 
vict myself of rashness and presumption. 

Third. I am a lifelong Republican, a strict 
party man, who has had and still has an abiding 
faith in the past, the present and the future of 
that great party. Still I am not of those who 
believe that in so important, so solemn, so vital 
a proceeding as is intrusted to the committee by 
this bill, the Judges of the Supreme Court who 
are to take part in it will be actuated by partisan 
considerations. I do not even dare to entertain 
the belief that the other members of the committee, 
in the face of their grave and awful responsibili- 
ties, will act as partisans. I should be ashamed 
of myself and of my American citizenship if I 
cherished such suspicions. I grieve to think that 
there are any who are willing to impute such 
base motives to the eminent men who must com- 
pose this conunission. If our cause is just, we, 
as Republicans, have nothing to fear from the 
grand inquest of this tribunal. They will deal 

80 



The Autobiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

justly and honestly. If our claim is false; if our 
title to the Presidency is not true, I trust there 
is no Republican in the land so base as to desire 
such a lease of power. 

Fourth. The voice of the people of the country 
favors and demands the passage of this bill. Espe- 
cially is this true of the business and commercial 
interests of the nation; and they it is who com- 
l^rise the great majority of the thinking, working, 
patriotic people of the land. Every property 
owner, merchant, trader, banker, farmer, mechanic 
or laborer is personally interested in having a 
peaceful settlement of this difficulty, which is de- 
pressing values, paralyzing trade, retarding in- 
dustries, and destroying that confidence which is 
the foundation of business enterprise and pros- 
perity. They want peace, they want prosperity, 
and they do not for a moment cherish the thought 
that they are securing it thus through compro- 
mise or dishonor. 

Some of us, and many people outside these 
walls, have honest fears of civil war unless some 
such amicable settlement as this bill provides is 
adopted. I do not care to express my own opin- 
ions on this subject ; but all will agree that, short 
of civil war, no greater calamity could befall our 
country than to inaugurate a President about 
whose title to the office a considerable part of the 
people, including a portion of the Kepublican 
party, felt a doubt. Such a doubt, even if it did 
not provoke resistance to his authority, would yet 

81 



The Autahio^rapJiii of Thomas Collier Plait 



maintain a condition of uncertainty and dissatis- 
faction throughout the country Tvhich would be 
unendurable; because it would paralyze all indus- 
try, intensify prevalent distress, and prevent en- 
tirely that revival of enterprise and commerce 
which we so sadly need, and to which, I believe, we 
may hopefully look forward, if we can but secure 
a contented acceptance of the result of the Presi- 
dential election. Such a result this bill will surely 
give us. I for one declare here and now that I 
am ready to abide by the decision of this pro- 
posed tribunal if this bill shall become a law; to 
accept its verdict, whatever it may be — philo- 
sophically and patriotically if against my own 
convictions and hopes; gratefully and joyously if 
it shall firmly establish the right and title to the 
Presidential office of that brave soldier and true 
patriot, Eutherford B. Hayes. 

I hope for the passage of the bill, because it will 
avert from us, as a nation, a great calamity, and 
because, by adapting this settlement, we may hope 
to strengthen and continue the proud career of 
the Eepublican party, prolong the peaceful life 
of the nation, perpetuate the existence of orderly 
and law-abiding liberty, and set an example to 
the world of which our children and children's 
children may well be proud — an example which 
will elevate us in the opinions of all good men 
everywhere, and show us to be a nation of free 
men, truly capable of self-government, because 

82 



The Autohios^raphy of Thomas Collier Piatt 

capable of self-restraint, patience and forbearance 
under the greatest dangers and diflBculties. 

After a prolonged and bitter partisan quarrel, 
the report of the inquiry substantiated the allega- 
tions of astounding Democratic ballot stuffing, dis- 
franchisement and cooked returns. The Electoral 
Commission, by a vote of 8 to 7, declared Hayes 
and Wlieeler to have honestly secured 185 electoral 
votes, as against 184 for Tilden and Hendricks. 
Therefore, they were declared elected. 

Frenzied Tilden devotees renewed their threats 
of using artillery, if necessary, to blow their fa- 
vorite into the White House. But Grant had 
artillery and soldiers, too, at Washington. Hayes 
and Wheeler were sworn in, and the much dreaded 
revolution gradually vanished. 

SUGGESTED FOR POSTMASTER-GENERAL 

Senator Conkling, some time before President 
Hayes took the oath of office, suggested me for 
Postmaster-General. Hayes rather contemptu- 
ously declined to entertain the proposition. In- 
stead, he, on the very threshold of his administra- 
tion, delivered a straight-arm blow at the regular 
organization in our State by appointing, without 
consultation with it or its leaders, William M. 
Evarts Secretary of State. 

Hayes followed this up by inaugurating a sys- 
tematic and inexcusable warfare upon every Em- 

83 



The Autobiograj)}!!/ of Thomas Collier Plait 

pire State loader who had supported Conkling at 
Cinciouati. 

REVOLT AGAINST HAYES 

The revolt came because it was inevitable. Lead- 
ers and members of the rank and file, who had fol- 
lowed the fortunes of the party since its birth, 
raged at the President for awarding the most 
desirable Federal places to men who had not only 
been disloyal to him and the party, but who had 
been lifelong Democrats. 

Not content with insulting the organization by 
the appointment of its arch-enemy, Evarts, to the 
most distinguished seat in his Cabinet, Hayes 
sought to oust Chester A. Arthur, Collector, and 
Alonzo B. Cornell, Naval Officer of the Port of 
New York. Both had been placed in office by 
President Grant. The President tried to supplant 
these excellent officials with Theodore Roosevelt, 
father of the man who afterward became Presi- 
dent, and L. Bradford Prince, both of whom were 
bitter opponents of the organization. We saw to 
it that the President's plan was foiled. The Sen- 
ate refused to confirm the nominations of either 
Roosevelt or Prince by such a large majority that 
Hayes was forced to temporarily quit this method 
of lopping off the heads of faithful Republican 
soldiers. But he called into consultation George 
William Curtis and others of our foes. Between 
them, there was evolved the impossible civil serv- 
ice *' reform" system, which we at once accepted 

84 



Tlie Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

as inaugurated for the sole purpose of disrupting 
the party in our State. 

Organization Republicans voiced their resent- 
ment at the Rochester convention in 1877. I was 
chairman of the State committee, and was as- 
signed by that committee to act as temporary con- 
vention chairman. It was at this convention that 
the original '*Big Four" was established. It con- 
sisted of Roscoe Conkling, Chester A. Arthur, 
Alonzo B. Cornell and myself. 

The convention scorched Hayes unmercifully. 
By resolution and speech it avowed that there 
was no reason for maintaining the Republican 
party unless it could be assured of sympathy and 
cooperation from the Republican administration at 
Washington. 

Conkling was rarely in more superb form than 
at Rochester. I can see him now, pacing up and 
down the aisle, hurling barbed epithets at Hayes, 
and clothing Curtis with sobriquets like the "Man 
Milliner," which stuck to Hayes' adviser to his 
dying day. I delivered myself of a few pertinent 
remarks, which I was informed did not add to 
the President's affection for me. 

I EXCORIATE HAYES 

I here reproduce extracts from a speech which 
fiiends have said is the best I ever made: 

I thank you most heartily for the distinguished 

85 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

honor of being chosen to preside over your pre- 
liminary deliberations. When I look around over 
this assemblage of the representatives of the Re- 
publican party of the Empire State, and observe 
so many who are older, wiser, more experienced 
and more deserving; statesmen who have honored 
the party as well as distinguished themselves in 
the councils of the commonwealth and of the na- 
tion; soldiers whose prowess and patriotism pre- 
served us in the hour of the country's peril, I am 
disposed to doubt the wisdom of your choice and 
the propriety of my acceptance. Still, believing 
as I do, no special significance is intended by your 
action beyond personal considerations, I accept 
your choice and assume the duties. I take it to 
be your purpose to make a recognition of the 
radical working and fighting soldiers of our po- 
litical armv, who have borne the burden and heat 
of the day ever since it was organized. I may 
not deserve the distinction of representing that 
Old Guard of the Eepublican hosts, but it is my 
pride and my boast that from the birthday of the 
Republican party, to its attainment of what is sup- 
posed to be its "years of discretion," there has 
not been a campaign that has not found me in the 
front rank of the battle. There has not been 
an election, either national. State — and I may also 
say local — that I have not stood at the polls from 
sunrise to sunset, and fought without weariness 
or rest for the ticket, the whole ticket, and noth- 
ing but the straight Republican ticket. (Applause.) 

86 



The Autohioffraph// of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Up to the present moment I never voted other 
than the straight Republican ticket. 

This zeal was born of a deep and absorbing 
faith in the righteousness of our cause and the 
immortality of our principles. That faith still 
lives, and animates the hearts of the live Kepub- 
licans of our State. From the Hudson to the 
Lakes, that faith indignantly spurns the thought 
that ''the mission of the Republican party is ac- 
complished. ' ' That faith grieves because the glori- 
ous achievements of the war are in danger of being 
annulled by Southern artifice' and Northern sen- 
timentalism. That faith still boldly asserts and 
declares that with Republican sentiment of the 
State thoroughly aroused to an appreciation of 
the impending danger, with complete organization, 
and with a unanimous determination here and 
everywhere to win the fight, even in this off year, 
the State of New York can be redeemed. 
(Applause.) 

THE PARTY IN DANGER 

That there are a few men claiming to be Re- 
publicans, and even holding high places, who are 
conniving at the dissolution of the Republican 
party, is a most lamentable thought. They are the 
very virtuous statesmen who are credited with the 
opinion that "there is no such thing as politics at 
the present time"; that "the people are tired of 
politics"; that "they want party lines obliter- 

87 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

ated." One glance at the past political record of 
all such demagogues will show them to be men 
who never had any honest, abiding Iiepublican 
convictions. Some of them may be found among 
the illustrious spirits who aided Andrew Johnson 
in carrying the Constitution and the American 
flag (luring his brief career. Others were so 
"wear}^ of politics" that they labored to elevate 
to the GubeiTiatorial chair that prince of non- 
partisans, Samuel J. Tilden. (Ironical laughter.) 
I venture the opinion that any professed Republi- 
can who now pronounces in favor of disregarding 
party lines, means one of three purposes ; namely, 
the destruction of his own party, the advancement 
of the Democratic party, or — what is quite as 
probable — the foundation of a new party. Tt is 
cause for congratulation, however, that the num- 
ber of these political Pecksniffs and tricksters is 
not large and their influence is limited. The great 
Republican masses are sound and true. They be- 
lieve in the necessity for the existence of the Re- 
publican party as earnestly as they did in 1860, 
and mean to maintain its existence. They have 
confidence in their old leaders and mean to stand 
by them. Could any stronger proof be asked that 
the heart of the loyal people beats true and warm 
to their old convictions and affections than the 
pride and pleasure universally manifested over 
the generous tributes of admiration and respect 
which the Old World has been paying to the sol- 
dier and statesman, Ulysses S. Grant? (Here I 

88 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

had to be dumb for nearly ten minutes, so uproari- 
ous was the demonstration for Grant.) We all 
glory in the fact that this modest, silent, sensible 
Republican President, who was always true to 
his friends, his party and his country, is the re- 
cipient of an unending series of honors and 
ovations such as no American citizen ever before 
received. His triumphs are our triumphs. 
(Applause.) 

CIVIL SERVICE BEFORM 

There is one subject of political discussion which 
demagogues have magnified unto unseemly propor- 
tions. I refer to the incessant cry which is raised 
that "the Eepublican party is pledged to reform 
in the civil service." Hungry expectants of office 
stand on street corners and shout the shibboleth 
till they are hoarse and weary. The independent 
journalist rolls it as a sweet morsel under 
his tongue, and daily blurts it in the face of a 
nauseated public. (Slight applause and hisses.) 
The Sitting Bulls and Crazy Horses of the Tam- 
many tribes incorporate it in their war-whoops, 
and are persistent in demanding that the most 
radical schemes for the readjustment of the pub- 
lic service should be rigidly enforced against all 
Eepublicans. It is unquestionably true that the 
Eepublican party is pledged to integrity in the 
civil sei-vice; and I know of no good Eepublican 
who does not intend that it shall faithfully fulfil 
its pledges. Our disagreement, if there be any, is 

89 



The Aufohi(jfi;raphjj of TJtomas Collier Piatt 

involved in the methods of accomplishing the ob- 
ject. As I understand the case, the Republican 
party is not pledged to any plan of civil service 
reform which is not practical in its bearings and 
general in its application, equally applicable to 
every State of the Union, and every department of 
the Government ; as binding upon the Cabinet offi- 
cer as upon the tide-waiter; as earnestly opposed 
to political favoritism in high places as well as 
in the low. The Republican party is not pledged 
to any system of civil service reform which 
abridges, in any degree, the rights guaranteed to 
everv American citizen bv the Constitution of the 
United States and the laws. The Republican party 
is not pledged to any plan of ci\'il service reform 
•which most practical men are sincere in believing 
will demoralize and destroy the organization and 
result in the triumphs of that old party of spoils 
and plunder, whose past career and present course, 
wherever it holds sway, denominate it to be the 
inveterate foe of reform. 

(Those who have recently read the speech re- 
mark: "Did you deliver it to-day, you would 
apply its lashes to Hughes.") 

Practical reform was what was promised, and 
that alone is what the country- demands — the same 
kind of methods which the business man would 
adopt for the regulation of his factory, or the rail- 
road superintendent for the management of his 
employees. Make heads of bureaus responsible for 
the efficiency of their departments, and permit 

90 



The Autohio graph If of Thomas Collier Piatt 

them to select their own subordinates. Appoint 
men to office who are honest, capable and faithful ; 
promote only for merit and remove only for cause. 
By some sensible system, honestly and rigidly en- 
forced, our pledges will be fulfilled, and the civil 
service improved and the party strengthened. 

THE SOUTHERN QUESTION 

It would be worse than folly to attempt to dis- 
guise the disagreeable fact to which I have before 
made allusion, that the present is a most critical 
period in the history of our party. The clouds 
which obscure the horizon are black and threaten- 
ing, and the friends of freedom have good cause 
for doubt and despondency. The chief cause for 
discouragement is found in the perilous situation 
of political affairs in the South. For the first time 
since the war, we are confronted with the stern 
reality of the Southern States in solid phalanx for 
the support of their political confederates, the 
Democratic party. We behold the Republican or- 
ganization in nearly every Southern State demora- 
lized, paralyzed and practically crushed out. The 
promised disintegration of the Democratic hosts, 
which was to follow a liberal distribution of Fed- 
eral offices, and a policy confiding and effusive, is 
far in the dim future. It requires no gift of second 
sight to discern that, even with the widest divisions 
of the dominant party in the South, no resurrection 
there of any party by the name of Republican is 

91 



Jlic Aiitohio^rapltii of Thomas Collier Flail 

within the range of probability. To-day the Hamp- 
tons, Hills and Laraars will caress the hands that 
restore them to power, but vote the Democratic 
to-morrow and forever. They publicly praise a 
Eepublican President because, as they express it, 
"he has done all that Mr. Tilden could have done" 
to comfort and reconcile them; and still, I fear, 
will persist in the persecution of loyal citizens 
and Republicans. (I referred to President Hayes' 
supplanting in ofiBce sterling Eepublicans with 
rabid Democrats.) 

The South is too shrewd to suffer itself to be 
divided, either by official inducements or concilia- 
tory caresses. They clearly appreciate the fact 
that Democratic success in the next national cam- 
paign means a restoration of Southern supremacy 
in the nation. They are human; they are cun- 
ning; they are solid, and I fear will remain so. 
But, fellow Republicans, all this only demonstrates 
the vital importance of maintaining and perpetu- 
ating the Republican party in the North. It is no 
time to relax or despond. Do not dream for a 
moment that the mission of the Republican party 
is ended, or confess that we do not possess the 
strength and vigor to cope successfully with our 
old adversary. 

It is of paramount importance that New York 
should be restored to her former proud position 
of Republican supremacy. It can be done. The 
Republicans of the Empire State always have 
shown themselves equal to every great emergency. 

92 



The Autohio^rapiuf of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Let every man of us take home the consequences 
which Democratic success involves. Let us bear 
in mind that New York will be needed to avert 
national disaster. As goes New York, so goes the 
Union. What we do now and here is not for a 
day, but for all time. We can afford to be mod- 
erate; we can afford to be magnanimous. 

Let us sink self and save the country. Let us 
forget all differences, bury our animosities and 
strike hands as in the good old days of yore against 
the common enemy, for the public good. Let us 
build a platform strong enough and broad enough 
to hold all the Republicans and to command the 
confidence of good men of all parties. Let us 
make a ticket of men whose past lives and records 
are guarantees to all people of honest administra- 
tion and lofty patriotism. 

Curtis and other Hayes zealots were, through- 
out the 1877 campaign, unmercifully execrated by 
the Republican anti-administration newspapers of 
the State. Somehow or other I was held responsi- 
ble for the caricatures of Curtis and Hayes in the 
Elmira Advertiser, October 6, 1877. 



''that boy Curtis" 

Once upon a time, a smart boy named Curtis, 
who parted his hair in the middle like a girl, and 
lived in a nice house, which had a snug front yard 
with a high picket fence around it, used to spend 

93 



The Autobiographij o/ Thomas Collier Piatt 

his leisure hours in amusing himself by throwing 
stones at the passers-by. 

Three or four maiden aunts and a fond mother 
and a grandmother or two, all sat in the parlors 
of this nice house, and with nods of approval en- 
couraged the boy Curtis in his pastime of throw- 
ing stones at the passers, especially as he sought 
to hit a tanner boy named Grant, and a red-headed 
boy named Conkling, whose business frequently 
brought them down that street, and which boys 
were disliked by the prim and self-satisfied women 
who sat in the parlors. 

One day, young Curtis having grown bold by 
the encouragement of a new policeman in the 
neighborhood, named Hayes, went out on the 
street, away some distance from the high picket 
fence and the protection of his women folks. lie 
espied the boy Conkling coming along, and thought 
be would just "shy" one stone at his old acquaint- 
ance, and trust to the high fence, the women folks 
and the new policeman for protection. 

But as ill luck would have it, Conkling caught 
the smart, nice boy before he could reach the 
gate to the front yard, or the new policeman came 
up, and gave young Curtis a most unmerciful flog- 
ging, so that he presented a forlora and dilapi- 
dated appearance. Young Curtis, as soon as he 
could get up out of the mud where Conkling had 
left him, ran into the front yard with a bloody nose 
and a black eye, and set up a terrible yelling, which 
brought to the door all the women folks of the 

94 



The Autobiographij of TJiomas Collier Piatt 

nice house, including aunts, mothei-« and grand- 
mothers, who likewise set up a howl and wail of 
anguish at the sad plight of their young prodigy. 

They all declared it was an outrage to allow such 
awful hoys as Conkling to come down their street. 
Nothing will satisfy the injured feelings of these 
offended females and restore the boy Curtis to 
good nature, unless the neighboring women assist 
them in holding indignation meetings, passing 
resolutions against the boy Conkling, and deliver- 
ing scolding speeches at the passers-by. 

The indignation and scolding meetings are still 
going on, and Curtis, with a doleful whine and 
bandaged hand and face, still sits like a young 
martyr in the front yard; but Conkling, the red- 
headed boy, passes along the street whistling live- 
ly tunes, but unmolested either by boy or women 
on the other side of the high picket fence; and 
even the new policeman, Hayes, has as yet taken 
no notice of the outrageous flogging administered 
by Conkling to Curtis. So mote it be. 

Two years later, in 1879, despite continued at- 
tacks of the Hayes administration upon the State 
organization, and with the help of the John Kelly- 
Tammany Hall bolt against the renomination of 
Governor Lucius Robinson, we succeeded in mak- 
ing Alonzo B. Cornell Governor. The entire Re- 
publican State ticket was elected, and the party 
held a majority in the Legislature for the fii'st 
period since war times. 

95 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 



HAYES A PROTOTYPE OF GOVERNOR HUGHES 

Hayes was quite a prototype of Governor 
Huglies, though his flowing whiskers were of a 
more blond hue. He was a good deal of the same 
physical build and mental temperament. Though 
nominated and elected as a Republican, he sought 
to forget it in office. He had strong convictions 
but narrow views, on a narrow basis. He was not 
enough of a politician to swim out when he found 
himself in deep water. He was the first President 
to claim that he was better than his party. And 
yet no man was ever so much indebted to a party 
as he. He was made President because of the great 
fight conducted by his party managers to secure 
the electoral votes of Louisiana, Florida and South 
Carolina, after they had been stolen for Tilden. 
After he got in by the votes of these States, he 
betrayed the Republican State governments to the 
Democrats by undoing the Reconstruction acts of 
President Grant and the Federal Government. I 
have said that temperamentally he reminded me 
of Hughes. But he did not possess the intellec- 
tuality of the present Governor of New York. He 
had a habit of receiving you courteously, doing 
all the talking, and then telling people that you 
agreed with everything he said. Some Republican 
leaders have regretted very much that they ever 
fought to seat Hayes. I should have regretted 
my part in this but for the fact that I ever desired 
that the Republican party should win, even if a 

96 



The Auiohiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

representative of that party chose to prove 
recreant and ungrateful. 

Like Hughes, Hayes accepted the bounty of his 
party, and then refused to recognize any obliga- 
tions to that party. George William Curtis was 
his guiding star. Hayes retired with the friend- 
ship of few except those who had fought the party 
inside and outside. He was rarely heard of after 
he turned the Presidency over to Garfield, except 
when the newspapers printed stories about his 
chicken-farm. 

Toward the close of the Hayes regime, I became 
secretary and director and then president of the 
U. S. Express Company. I had practically made 
up my mind never again to hold public office, when 
Governor Cornell insisted that I become president 
of the Board of Quarantine Commissioners. As 
then constituted, it was a powerful body, and I 
unwillingly accepted a place on it, with the under- 
standing that I should go on with my private 
business. 



97 



tif 



^:^St 




* 




n 



JAMES A. GARFIELD 



CHAPTER V 

1879-1880 

A '* Three-Hundred-and-Sixer" — Why I supported 
Grant for a third term — Gallant hut fruitless 
struggle of followers of the " Appoma>ttox 
Hero" — Eoiv Garfield and Arthur tvere nomi- 
nated — Spectacular incidents of the Chicago 
convention. 

So UNPOPULAE had the Hayes administration be- 
come with the Republicans in New York in 1879, 
that they determined to oppose the President for 
renomination. Our State convention, believing that 
General Grant had proved a splendid Executive 
for two terms, and that Hayes had proved an un- 
worthy one, instructed the delegation to Chicago 
in 1880 to fight first, last and all the time for 
Grant. 

Here let me say that I formed a tender friend- 
ship for General Grant from the day I met him 
first personally in the early seventies, while I was 
serving in Congress. 

GRANT, WARRIOR AND PEACEMAKER 

General Grant was just of below medium height. 
He was of stocky build and broad-shouldered. 

99 



The Autobwii;rai)]nj of Tliomas Collier Piatt 

Iron jaws and rigid lips exemplified indomitable 
pluck, grim courage and determination. A beard, 
usually cropped close, hair sprinkled with silvery 
strands, steady, piercing eyes, a Roman nose, the 
nostrils dilating when the man was aroused, char- 
acterized his personal appearance. 

Grant cared little for dress. As in the army he 
preferred to forget gold lace and epaulets, and go 
about in a careless uniform and dilapidated slouch 
hat, so even as President he wore the plainest 
clothing. Frequently have I known him to jam 
the omnipresent big black cigar between his teeth, 
slip out of the White House by a back exit, and 
pace alone for miles up and down sequestered 
Washington streets, endeavoring to solve the great 
problems of state confronting him. Though I al- 
ways found Grant approachable and courteous, he 
talked little except in monosyllables, listened in- 
tently, carefully analyzed every suggestion, and 
having once made up his mind, all the king's horses 
and all the king's men could not swerve him. 

He was the most modest, unassuming man in 
high station I can recall. He was grateful as a 
child, trustful of and devoted to friends, hurt to 
the quick if they proved unworthy, and perhaps 
of too forgiving spirit in the treatment of his tra- 
ducers. He was great and magnanimous as com- 
mander of the Union armies, greater as President, 
and as a citizen of the Republic shone with a luster 
that challenged the admiration of the world. 

No wonder Grant is immortalized! 

100 



The Autohiographi/ of Thomas Collier Flatt 

My friend, General James S. Clarkson, tlms 
bears testimony to my services to General Grant 
when, in 1884, the former President was suffering 
mental agony : 

^* Piatt was taken deeply into the confidence and 
friendship of President Grant — a friendship that 
lasted until General Grant's death. And it showed 
itself as having been safely reposed when, in the 
troublous days of the great soldier and his sons, 
in their financial fiasco in New York, Mr. Piatt 
came to their help and saved them all from hu- 
miliation and injury that time itself could never 
have cured, nor the ofiScial power of the nation 
averted. This version came to the writer direct 
from General Grant himself during close party 
association in the campaign for Blaine in 1884, one 
of the darkest and saddest years in the general's 
history; when poverty was at his door, and himself 
and his deeds apparently forgotten by the 
American people. 

'*In conversation then, the great hero, who had 
early seen the worth of Mr. Piatt and taken him 
to his heart as a friend, said he had received such 
help from Mr. Piatt as he had never received from 
any one in his whole life. This faithfulness to 
friendship in loyal response to friendship, early 
shown to him, continued in its help to the sons 
after the general's death in such measure as they 
only know." 



101 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 



WE FIGHT AND LOSE FOB GRANT 

There is no public act of which I am prouder 
than of having been a member of the famous band 
of "Three Hundred and Six," who fought and 
lost because of their devotion to the chief magis- 
trate who served so admirably from 1869 to 1873. 
Ks in the State convention of 1877, so in the Na- 
tional convention of 1880, Roscoe Conkling was a 
colossal and commanding figure. One of his first 
acts in that convention was to offer a resolution 
which had been urged by the New York delega- 
tion, and which ran like this : 

Resolved: As the sense of this convention, that 
every member of it is bound in honor to support 
the nominee, whoever that nominee may be; and 
that no man should hold a seat here who is not 
ready so to agree. 

This of course was aimed at certain Hayes dele- 
gates, who had openly threatened to bolt Grant 
in case he were nominated. The late Senator 
George F. Hoar, who was in the chair, had 
just declared the resolution adopted, when Mr. 
Brandegee, of Connecticut, expressed doubt and 
demanded a roll call of States. 

Senator Conkling sarcastically said: ''Plainly 
and audibly to me and to others, negative votes 
were given on this resolution. I ask the chair to 
call the roll, that we may know who it is in Re- 

102 



The Autobioi^raphj/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

publican convention that votes 'No' on such a 
pledge." 

The roll call disclosed 716 votes for the Conkling 
resolution, and only 3 against. 

Senator Conkling then submitted this resolution : 

That the delegates who have voted that they will 
not abide the action of the convention do not de- 
serve and have forfeited their votes in this con- 
vention. 

GABFIELD THE DAEK HORSE 

The three negative votes on the previous resolu- 
tion had been cast by West Virginia. Mr. Camp- 
bell, of that State, vigorously protested against 
the second resolution. General James A. Garfield, 
of Ohio, who eventually was the nominee for Presi- 
dent, but whose name had hardly been whispered, 
was quite vehement in his opposition. 

Senator Conkling, even while Garfield was 
speaking against the resolution, wrote a note 
reading : 

* ' I congratulate you upon being the dark horse. ' ' 

When General Garfield ceased speaking, Conk- 
ling handed the note to John D. Lawson, better 
known as ' ' Sitting Bull, ' ' and said : ' ' Please give 
this to General Garfield." 

Conkling had thus early scented defeat for 
Grant and victory for Garfield. But we Grant 
men had sworn to die with our boots on. Conkling 
finally consented to withdraw the second resolu- 

103 



TJie Autobiographi/ of Tliomas Collier Piatt 

tion. After three days of preliminary wire-puUiDg 
and skirmishing, the balloting for candidates for 
President began. 

Mr. Jov named James G. Blaine, of Maine, as 
the choice of Michigan. Messrs. Pixley, of Cali- 
fornia, and Frye, of Maine, followed with seconds. 
I\rr. Drake presented the name of William Win- 
dom, of Minnesota. "When Senator Conkling arose 
to propose Grant, the enthusiasm became tremen- 
dous and overpowering. Not only the "Three 
Hundred and Six," but the great majority of spec- 
tators in the galleries joined in a demonstration 
that was simply indescribable. 

Conkling mounted a reporters' table. He was 
in magnificent voice. Those in the most distant 
corners of the great auditorium distinctly heard 
every word he uttered. 

The Senator had a habit of clearly pronouncing 
his vowels. That made it easy for his voice to 
carry a long distance. As the speech delivered by 
Conkling that memorable day is generally accepted 
as his greatest short address, it is worthy of 
presers^ation. 

CONKLING PRESENTS GBANT 

There was pandemonium that continued twenty 
minutes when Conkling dramatically began: 

When asked what State he hails from, 

Our sole reply shall be. 
He comes from Appomattox, 

And its famous apple tree. 

104 



The AutobwgrapJiy of Tlioinas Collier Flatt 

The frenzied cheering that greeted this senti- 
ment had hardly subsided when Senator Conkling 
resumed : 

In obedience to instructions I should never dare 
disregard, expressing also my own firm convic- 
tions, I rise to propose a nomination with which 
the country, and the Republican party, can grandly 
win. 

The election before us is to be the Austerlitz of 
American politics. It will decide for many years 
whether the country shall be Eepublican or Cos- 
sack. The supreme need of the hour is not a 
candidate who can carry Michigan. All Republi- 
can candidates can do that. The need is not of a 
candidate who is popular in the territories, because 
they have no votes. The need is of a candidate 
who can carry the doubtful States — not the doubt- 
ful States of the North alone, but the doubtful 
States of the South, which we have heard, if I 
understand it aright, ought to take little or no 
part here, because the South has nothing to give, 
but everything to receive. 

No, gentlemen, the need that presses upon the 
conscience of the convention is of a candidate 
who can carry doubtful States, North and South. 
And believing that he, more surely than any other 
man, can carry New York against any opponent, 
and can carry not only the North, but several 
States of the South, New York is for Ulysses S. 

105 



The Autohiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Grant. Never defeated in peace or war, his name 
is the most illustrious borne by living man. 

(There was an outburst of mad enthusiasm at 
this that shook the convention hall.) 

His sen^ices attest his greatness, and the coun- 
try — nay, the world — knows them by heart. His 
fame was earned, not alone in things written and 
said, but by the arduous greatness of things done. 
And perils and emergencies will search in vain 
in the future, as they have searched in vain in the 
past, for any other on whom the nation leans with 
such confidence and trust. Never having had a 
policy to enforce against the will of the people, 
he never betrayed the cause of a friend ; and the 
people will never desert or betray him. Standing 
on the highest eminence of human distinction, mod- 
est, firm, simple and self-poised, having filled all 
lands with his renown, he has seen not only the 
high-born and the titled, but the poor and the 
lowly in the uttermost ends of the earth, rise and 
uncover before him. He has studied the needs and 
the defects of many systems of government, and 
he has returned a better American than ever, with 
a wealth of knowledge and experience added to 
the hard common sense which shone so conspicu- 
ously in all the fierce light that beat upon him dur- 
ing sixteen years, the most trying, the most por- 
tentous, the most perilous in the nation's history. 

Vilified and reviled, ruthlessly aspersed by un- 
nmnbered presses, not in other lands, but in his 
own, assaults upon him have seasoned and strength- 

106 



The Autohiograpluj of Thomas Collier Piatt 

ened his hold upon the public heart. Calumny's 
ammunition has all been exploded; the powder has 
all been burned once; its force is spent; and the 
name of Grant will glitter a bright and imperish- 
able star in the diadem of the Republic when 
those who have tried to tarnish that name have 
moldered in forgotten graves, and when their mem- 
ories and their epitaphs have vanished utterly, 

(Conkling had in mind the groundless charges 
that Grant was implicated in the whisky ring and 
Star Route postal frauds.) 

Never elated by success, never depressed by ad- 
versity, he has ever, in peace and in war, shown 
the genius of common sense. The terms he pre- 
scribed for Lee's surrender foreshadowed the 
wisest prophecies and principles of true recon- 
struction. Victor in the greatest war of modern 
times, he quickly signalized his aversion to war 
and his love of peace by an arbitration of internal 
disputes, which stands as the wisest, the most ma- 
jestic example of its kind in the world's diplomacy. 
When inflation, at the height of its popularity and 
frenzy, had swept both Houses of Congress, it 
was the veto of Grant which, single and alone, 
overthrew expansion and cleared the way for 
specie resumption. To him, immeasurably more 
than to any other man, is due the fact that every 
paper dollar is at last as good as gold. 

With him as our leader we shall ha-ve no de- 
fensive campaign. No! We shall have nothing 
to explain away. We shall have no apologies to 

107 



The Autobiofcraphif of Thoma.s Collier Plait 

make. The shafts and the arrows have all been 
aimed at him, and they lie broken and harmless 
at his feet. 

Life, liberty and property will find a safe^riiard 
in him. When he said of the colored men in Flor- 
ida, ** Wherever I am, they may come also" — when 
he so said, he meant that, had he the power, the 
poor dwellers in the cabins of the South should 
no long:er be driven in terror from the homes of 
their childhood and the graves of their murdered 
dead. When he refused to see Dennis Kearney 
in California, he meant that communism, lawless- 
ness and disorder, although it might stalk high- 
handed and dictate law to a whole city, would al- 
ways find a foe in him. He meant that, popular 
or unpopular, he would hew to the line of right, 
let the chips fly where they may. 

His integrity, his common sense, his courage, his 
unequaled experience, are the qualities offered to 
his country. The only argument, the only one 
that the wit of man or the stress of politics has 
devised, is one which would dumbfound Solomon, 
because he thought there was nothing new under 
the sun. Having tried Grant twice and found him 
faithful, we are told that we must not, even after 
an interval of years, trust him again. 

My countr>T:nen ! my countr^nnen! what stultifi- 
cation does not such a fallacy involve ! The Ameri- 
can people excluded Jefferson Davis from public 
trust. Why? AVhy? Because he was the arch- 
traitor and would-be destroyer; and now the same 

108* 



Tlie Auiobiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

people are asked to ostracize Grant and not to 
trust him. Why? Why? I repeat: because he 
was the arch-preserver of his country, and because, 
not only in war, but twice as civil magistrate, he 
gave his highest, noblest efforts to the Republic. 
Is this an electioneering juggle, or is it hypocrisy's 
masquerade? There is no field of human activity, 
responsibility or reason in which rational beings 
object to an agent because he has been weighed 
in the balance and not found wanting. There is, 
I say, no department of human reason in which 
sane men reject an agent because he has had ex- 
perience, making him exceptionally competent and 
fit. From the man who shoes your horse, to the 
lawyer who tries your cause, the officer who man- 
ages your railway or your mill, the doctor into 
whose hands you give your life, or the minister who 
seeks to save your soul, what man do you reject 
because by his works you have known him and 
found him faithful and fit? What makes the Presi- 
dential office an exception to all things else in the 
common sense to be applied to selecting its incum- 
bent? Who dares — who dares to put fetters on 
that free choice and judgment, which is the birth- 
right of the American people? Can it be said that 
Grant has used official power and place to per- 
petuate his term? He has no place, and official 
power has not been used for him. Without patron- 
age and without emissaries, without committees, 
without bureaux, without telegraph wires running 
from his house to this convention, or running from 

109 



The Autobiography of Tliomas Collier Piatt 

his house an^-^here else, this man is the candidate 
whose friends have never threatened to bolt unless 
this convention said as they said. He is a Repub- 
lican who never wavers. He and his friends stand 
by the creed and the candidates of the Republican 
party. They hold the rightful rule of the ma- 
jority as the very essence of their faith, and they 
mean to uphold that faith against, not only the 
common enemy, but against the charlatans, jay 
hawkers, tramps and guerillas — the men who de- 
ploy between the lines and forage now on one side 
and then on the other. (Again did Conkling have 
Curtis and his adherents in mind.) 

This convention is master of a supreme oppor- 
tunity. It can name the next President. It can 
make sure of his election. It can make sure not 
only of his election, but of his certain and peace- 
ful inauguration. More than all, it can break that 
power which dominates and mildews the South. 
It can overthrow an organization whose very ex- 
istence is a standing protest against progress. 

The purpose of the Democratic party is spoils. 
Its very hope of existence is the solid South. Its 
success is a menace to order and prosperity. I 
say this convention can overthrow that power. It 
can speed the nation in a career of grandeur, 
eclipsing all past achievements. 

Gentlemen, we have only to listen above the din, 
and look beyond the dust of an hour, to behold the 
R'epublican party, advancing with its ensign re- 
splendent with illustrious achievements, marching 

110 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

to certain and lasting victory with its greatest 
marshal at its head. 

Ten thousand leathern-lunged men shouted their 
acclaims at Conkling as he retired. 

The Chicago Inter-Ocean, in commenting on the 
speech, declared : ' ' The play of sarcasm, the flash 
of scorn, the saber-cuts of severity, and all the 
pageantry of eloquence were used to help Grant. 
The address had the warmth, the eulogy, the finish 
of a poem, the force and fire of a philippic. Grant 
was in every line of it. His spirit breathed in 
every sentence, his personality lived and moved 
in the smooth insistence of the magic words, and 
stood revealed in the climax of the peroration." 

Mr. Bradley, of Kentucky, afterward Governor 
and U. S. Senator, seconded the nomination of 
Grant in an eloquent address. 

Then Garfield presented John Sherman, of 
Ohio. 

SHERMAN, THE ICICLE 

Apropos of John Sherman, I never hear his 
name mentioned but I recall an experience I had 
soon after he published a book in which he said 
some rather hard things about me. Sherman was 
popularly regarded as a human icicle. I remem- 
bered this one day when I very reluctantly yielded 
to the persuasions of my family and sat to Artist 
Whipple for my portrait. 

Just in front of me hung a recently finished pic- 
ture of Sherman. I turned up my coat collar. 

Ill 



Tlic AutO()i();^ra])lt}i of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Whipple came up from behind and turned it down. 
I shivered, and with a glance at the face of Gar- 
field's and Hayes' friend, remarked: 

"Well! well! I can hardly believe that John 
Sherman's portrait would have raised my choler 
like that!" 

Frederick Billings, of Vermont, presented the 
name of George F. Edmunds, of Vermont, while 
J. B. Cassoday, of Wisconsin, named Elihu Wash- 
burne, of Illinois. 

Brandegee, of Connecticut, in according the 
nomination of Washburne, delivered an argument 
against a third term for Grant. He addressed 
Senator Conkling in this way: "Let me tell the 
gentleman from New York that he cannot sit down 
at the ear of every voter and give the argument 
he has given to-night against the traditions of our 
fathers. He may by the magic of his eloquence take 
this convention and the galleries off their feet in 
his fervor. But even his great abilities, even his 
unmatched eloquence, cannot go down to the fire- 
side of every voter and persuade them that all the 
traditions of the fathers with reference to a third 
term are but humbug and masquerade. Does he 
not know that his candidate would be on the de- 
fensive, that even the magic name of Grant can 
hardly carry him in this convention? Does he 
not know — no one knows so well as he — that the 
name of Grant would carry this convention 
through by storm, if there were not an invincible 
argument against his nomination?" 

112 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 



The placing of candidates in nomination con- 
sumed the better part of June 6, the fourth day of 
the convention. An adjournment was then ordered 
until morning. All night the "Three Hundred and 
Six" labored to strengthen their position. They 
fought against a combination whose cries were, 
'^ Anything to beat Grant," and "Xo third term." 

Three hundred and seventy-eight votes were re- 
quired to nominate. The anti-third termers united 
to prevent us from getting the seventy-two we 
needed. On the morning of June 7, the first ballot 
was taken. It showed Grant with 304 ; Blaine, 284 ; 
Sherman, 93; Edmunds, 34; Washburne, 30; and 
Windom, 10. New York cast 51 votes for Grant, 
17 for Blaine, and 2 for Sherman, except on the 
seventeenth ballot, when Grant lost 1 and Blaine 
gained 1. 

During the day, delegates from various States 
called upon Conkling and offered to support him 
if he would desert Grant. He angrily spumed the 
suggestion, replying: "I am here as the agent of 
New York to support General Grant to the end. 
Any man who would forsake him under such con- 
ditions does not deserve to be elected and could not 
be elected." 

GARFIELD NOMINATED 

On the sixth day we mustered 313 votes for 
Grant, and some thought that the Grant stampede 
had begun. They were mistaken. On the thirty- 
sixth ballot the break to Garfield came. New York 

113 



The AutohiograpJty of Thomas Collier rlatt 

gave him 20 of her 70 votes. The total was 399. 
Grant got 30G; Blaine, 42; "Washburne, 5; and 
Sheraian, 3. 

Senator Conkling moved to make the nomination 
of Garfield unanimous, and the convention adopted 
his suggestion. Chester A. Arthur, of New York, 
was made the nominee for Vice-President. The 
c-onvention then adjourned and we started for our 
homes. 

So great was the vilification of General Grant 
prior to and during the convention, that I could 
not forbear to express my own opinion of it quite 
frequently. I recall being asked by a newspaper 
correspondent what I thought of the calumny 
heaped upon the former President. My answer 
was this: "Great men must expect unjust 
criticism, unwarranted abuse and unmitigated 
calumny. Supporters of General Grant should 
bear in mind that Thomas Jefferson, the beloved 
idol and oracle of Democracy, was unmercifully 
pelted with mud-balls and stale eggs by the Sum- 
ners and Schurzs of the period. The fact is, that 
a public man who fails to incur the contumely and 
jealous hate of his contemporaries may be counted 
as a political pigmy. Let no such man dream of 
being President." 



MY BROTHERS, THE ** THREE HUNDRED AND SIx" 

No eulog}' of mine or other mortal man could 
adequately reflect the love and veneration which 

114 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

I possessed for Grant, and affection and admira- 
tion I have always felt for the other three hundred 
and five who stniccgled to the death for him at 
Chicago in 1880. Thirteen years later, at a time 
when the nation and New York State were in the 
hands of our political opponents, and it seemed 
all but hopeless that we could retrieve the dis- 
asters which had befallen us in 1890, 1891 and 1892, 
I was reminded anew of the achievements of the 
** Three Hundred and Six," and the peerless leader 
for whom they battled, when I received the an- 
nual invitation to participate in the dinner we 
were accustomed to give to celebrate the event. 
A search through my archives fails to reveal any 
more appropriate tribute to Grant that ever fell 
from my pen than a letter I wrote in 1893 to 
Thomas J. Powers, secretary of the ''Three Hun- 
dred and Six" band at Philadelphia. It ran as 
follows : 

April 24, 1893. 
Hon. Thomas J. Powers, Secretar}', Philadelphia, 
Pa. 
My Dear Sir: I find this morning that a com- 
bination of circumstances will compel me to leave 
vacant my chair at the reunion of the "Old 
Guard" to-morrow evening. I regret this more 
than I have words to express. On such an occa- 
sion, and at such a crisis in the affairs of the 
Republican party, there should be no vacant chairs 
except those made so by death. Looking over the 
list, I mark the deep gaps that the dread Reaper 

115 



The Avtobioi^raphy of Thomas Collier Piatt 

has left in our lines. One by one they have fallen 
by the wayside; but, though absent, they live in 
our memories. They died as they lived, true to 
their friends, true to the trust reposed in them, 
noble exemplars of all that is glorious in manhood 
or grand in the principles of the National Repub- 
lican party. 

The gathering to-morrow night will be to cele- 
brate the great event and to look back at our ac- 
tion on that memorable day without a change of 
front. We have nothing to regret, nothing to 
apologize for. Our chosen leader then, if he were 
alive, would be our chosen leader still. The result 
of thirteen years of demoralization, mingled with 
defeat, has confirmed the wisdom of our choice on 
that day; and I hail the old comrades of that con- 
vention with more than a brother's love, the faith- 
ful remnant of the glorious "Three Hundred and 
Six." 

In our complex form of government, there must 
be political parties; and it is well for the nation 
that these parties should be equally divided, each 
of these parties holding in its organization some 
of the best men in the land. If parties are neces- 
sary to united, intelligent action, leaders are nec- 
essary to direct its course and lead them on to 
victory. 

To insure success, there must be perfect con- 
fidence between the soldier and his commander; 
succeed in destroying that and there can be no 
Appomattox, every battle becoming a Bull Run. 

116 



The Aidohiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Three years from next fall we shall find our- 
selves in the midst of another Presidential conflict, 
which I believe will be the most bitter and fierce 
that the nation has seen since the war. To us 
who love our country and believe in the perpetuity 
of Republican principles, what is the solemn duty 
of the hour"? No matter how high the character, 
how pure the principle, how exalted the patriotism 
of a single man, it counts for nothing in a national 
conflict. To make his principles, his honesty and 
his patriotism available, he must act in harmony 
with other men who think and act as he does. It 
is only by united action, well considered and skil- 
fully directed, that even the most righteous cause 
can expect success. 

Three years from this time, those of us who 
still survive will again be called upon to act, and 
the present moment is none too early to prepare 
for the coming conflict. 

The late triumphant Democracy already shows 
signs of dissolution. Meanwhile, the Republicans, 
profiting by needed experience and chastened by 
disaster, should steadily close up their ranks and 
prepare for the coming struggle. If my voice 
could reach to-night every State in the American 
Union, from the Atlantic to the Pacific and from 
Maine to the Gulf, I would say, close up your 
ranks, forget your past dissensions, put the mem- 
ory of past personal conflicts behind you. Let 
the dead past bury its dead. The ever-living pres- 
ent claims you now. The principles that triumphed 

117 



The Autobiu^rapJiy of TJiomas Collier Piatt 

so gloriously from '61 to '91 still live as grand 
and as glorious as ever. To you, their stalwart 
apostles and supporters, is entrusted a nation's 
honor and a nation's life. 

I wish I might look in your faces, my brothers, 
as my heart swells with memories of the past. 
Tnie as the steel of a Damascus blade, faithful 
even unto death, weighed in the balance and never 
found wanting, you are saying to your fellow 
Republicans throughout the land, take example 
by the Old Guard; stand together! So doing, if 
we succeed, we triumph because we deserve to 
win; and if we fail, we will enjoy the proud con- 
sciousness of having done our whole duty to our 
party and our country. 

THE *' THREE HUNDRED AND SIx" ROSTER 

Were the roll of the **01d Three Hundred and 
Six Guard" to be called this minute, scarcely a 
corporal's following would answer to their names. 
Death has cut down the great majority of those 
who so valiantly battled for Grant. I can recall 
only seven members of the Xew York delega- 
tion, besides myself, who are on earth. They are 
Benjamin F. Tracy, Levi P. Morton, Louis F. 
PajTi, Charles E. Cornell, Isaac V. Baker, Jr., 
General James Jourdan and Bernard Bigliu. 

These have been gathered to their fathers: 
Chester A. Arthur, Roscoe Coukling, James D. 
Warren, Edwards Pierrepont, Jacob M. Patter- 
ns 



The Autohiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

son, John J. O'Brien, Stephen B. French, Jacob 
Hess, George H. Sharpe, Rufus H. King, James 
J. Belden,* Chester S. Cole, James R. Davies, De- 
witt C. Wheeler, Thomas Murphy, Jacob Worth, 
Jacob W. Hoysradt, Pierre C. Van Wyck, 
John D. Lawson, Amos F. Learned, Frederick A. 
Schroeder, Charles Blaikie, Henry R. Pierson, 
Charles P. Easton, John M. Francis, W. W. Rock- 
well, David Wilber, William H. Comstock, Ed- 
ward H. Shelley, George M. Case, Charles L. Ken- 
nedy, John B, Murray, Francis 0. Mason, George 
M. Hicks, Orlew W. Chapman, Charles J. Lang- 
don, Edward A. Frost, Henry A. Bruner, George 
G. Hoskins, John E. Pound, Ray V. Pierce and 
John Nice. 

All of these, for thirty-five ballots, stood like 
the rock of Gibraltar, faithful to their idol, and 
went down with their colors nailed to the mast. 
They participated in a display of devotion un- 
precedented in American politics. That I should 
have outlived all but seven of the fifty heroes — 
for they were heroes — few would have believed 
if they had gazed upon the strong, healthy, mili- 
tant Empire State representatives, as they stood 
in solid phalanx at Chicago in 1880. They stuck 
to Grant as Grant stuck to Lee. But Grant 
whipped Lee. We could not whip a majority of 
the delegates to the National Convention. 

Lest we forget, let me add to the list of brave 
boys from New York those from other States who 
joined in the unsuccessful contest. 

119 



The AutohiOi^rapJiy of Thomas Collier Piatt 



THE DISTINGUISHED DEAD 

The most distiiiguislied of them are dead — 
notably, General John A. Logan, of Illinois, and 
Matthew S. Quay, of Pennsylvania. 

Here is the roll by States : 

Alabama — George Turner, Ben S. Turner, J, A. 
Thomasson, G. M. Braxdall, James Gillette, Allen 
Alexander, Paul Strobach, G. AV. Washington, 
Isaac Heyman, W. Youngblood, W. J. Stevens, 
.Winfield S. Bird, N. W. Trimble, J. M. Hinds, 
A. W. McCullough. 

Arkansas— S. W. Dorsey, Powell Clayton, M. 
\V. Gibbs, H. B. Robinson, 0. P. Snyder, J. H. 
Johnson, 0. A. Hadley, Jacob Treiber, Ferdinand 
Havis, S. H. Holland,* J. K. Barnes, J. A. Barnes. 

Colorado — John L. Routt, La Fayette Head, 
Amos Steck, John A. Ellet, M. M. Magone, J. T. 
Blake. 

Florida— W. W. Hicks, V. J. Shipman, Sherman 
Conant, Joseph E. Lee, Reuben S. Smith, F. C. 
Humphries, E. I. Alexander, James Dean. 

Georgia — L. B. Toomer, Floyd Snelson, B. F. 
Brinberry, John Few, Jack Brown, Elbert Head, 
S. A. Darnelle, Madison Davis. 

Illinois — John A. Logan, Emory A, Storrs, 
Green B. Raum, D. T. Littler, A. M. Wright, R. S. 
Tuthill, E. F. Bull, E. W. Willard, J. B. Wilson, 
R. J. Hanna, 0. B. Hamilton, T. G. Black, G. M. 
Brinkerhoff, C. M. Fames, John V. Harris, J. W. 
Haworth, W. H. Barlow, Alvin P. Green, J. N. 

120 



The Autobiography of Tliomas Collier Piatt 

Truit, Lewis Kreughoff, J. M. Davis, C. 0. Patier, 

C. W. Pavev, W. II. Williams. 
Indiana — Clem Studebaker. 

Kansas — T. C. Sears, S. A. Daj% T. J. Anderson, 
John M. Steele. 

Kentucky — Walter Evans, W. 0. Bradley, John 

D. White, John H. Jackson, John H. Puryear, 
James H. Happy, Albert H. Clark, W. G. Hunter, 
George T. Blakeley, E. H. Hobson, John W. Lewis, 
Silas F. Miller, James F. Buckner, Jr., Richard 
P. Stoll, John K. Faulkner, A. E. Adams, A. T. 
Wood, W. W. Culbertson, Morris C. Hutchins, 
Logan McKee. 

Louisiana — William Pitt Kellogg, James Lewis, 
John T. Ludeling, Richard Simms, William Har- 
per, J. S. Matthews, David Young, J. H. Burch. 

Maryland — Jacob Tome, J. A. J. Creswell, D. 
Pinkney West, W. W. Johnson, W. J. Hooper, Dr. 
H. J. Brown. 

Massachusetts — Azariah Eldridge, F. A. Ho- 
bart, George S. Boutwell, George A. Marden. 

Michigan — William G. Thompson. 

Minnesota — D. Sinclair, C. F. Kindred. 

Mississippi — Blanche K. Bruce, H. C. Carter, 
W. H. Kennon, George C. McKee, Joshua R. 
Smith, George W. Gayles, W. W. Bell. 

Missouri — Chauncey I. Filley, R. T. Van Horn, 
H. E. Havens, David Wagner, Nicholas Berg, 
John A. Weber, T. B. Rodgers, John H. Pohlman, 
Thomas G. Allen, William Ballantine, James A. 
Lindsay, Hamilton E. Baker, T. A. Lowe, Robert 

121 



The Anfohiofi:raphf/ of JViomas Collier Piatt 

' " . I ■■■■ ■■ I ^ 

C. McBeth, W. E. Maynard, A. G. Hollenbeck, ^Y, 
J. Terrell, L. C. Stevens, N. F. Essig, Thomas D. 
Neal, George Hall, T. J. Whiteman, H. N. Cook, 
H. M. Hiller, J. E. Adams, R. A. Buckner, Stuart 
Carkener, A. D. Jaynes. 

Nevada — C. C. Stevenson, J. J. Meigs. 

North Carolina — Isaac J. Young, Thomas B. 
Keogh, J. W. Hardein, 0. J. Spears, T. N. Cooper. 

Pennsylvania — Matthew S. Quay, J. Hay 
Brown, C. L. Magee, W. J. Pollock, David H. Lane, 
David Mouat, Thomas J. Powers, William L. 
Smith, Adam Albright, Chester N. Fair, A. J. 
Kauffman, "W. K. Seltzer, S. Y. Thompson, J. J. 
Albright, Samuel A. Losch, W. S. Moorehead, J. 
Donald Cameron, C. H. Bergner, William H. Arm- 
strong, Thomas L. Lane, John Cessna, David 
Over, James Hersh, John Hays, James A. Beaver, 
George F. Huff, S. M. Baily, W. C. Moreland, 
James A. McDevitt, William B. Eodgers, James 
H. Lindsay, J. R. Harrah, Joseph BufSngton, John 
I. Gordon, Charles M. Read, Harrison Allen. 

South Carolina — E. M. Brayton, W. A. Hayne, 
W. N. Taft, C. C. Bowen, W. M. Fine, S. T. 
Pointer, W. J. Whipper, W. F. Meyers. 

Tennessee — L. C. Houck, H. H. Harrison, J. 
N. Thornburgh, J. M. Cordell, W. S. Tipton, W. 
T. Cate, J. S. Smith, William H. Wisener, S. 0. 
W. Brandon, W. H. Young, A. M. Hughes, Sr., 
B. A. J. Nixon, E. G. Ridgeley, F. R. Hunt, Lar- 
kin Williams. 

Texas — E. J. Davis, Webster Flanagan, A. B. 

122 



The Auiohiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Norton, William Holland, Frank Harwin, J. G. 
Tracey, G. M. Dillev, William Chambers, W. H. 
Hakes, C. C. Binkley, D. A. Eobinson, W. R. 
Chase, A. Seimering and three unknown. 

Virginia — Peter J. Carter, D. S. Lewis, Joseph 
Jorgensen, John W. Woltz, L. R. Stewart, Joshua 
Crump, James D. Brady, W\ H. Pleasants, H. C. 
Harris, W. R. Watkins, F. Ware, John Donovan, 
L. L. Lewis, W. 0. Austin, C. C. Tompkins, J. W. 
Pointdexter and three unknown. 

West Virginia — John H. Rossler. 

A more fearless, devoted, gallant body of men 
never enlisted in any battle. Their feat was abso- 
lutely unparalleled in political history. Gen. 
Grant personally assured me that their fidelity was 
to him far more gratifying than a third nomina- 
tion and re-election to the Presidency could have 
been. 



123 



CHAPTER VI 

1880-1881 

My distrust of Garfield, and the cause — He cries 
for succor — Terms of the contract to which I 
forced him to agree in return for New York 
organization props — Grant, Conkling and I 
finally save him. 

The friends of General Grant departed from the 
Chicago convention, after that protracted strug- 
gle, sorrowed, disappointed and ugly. Soon there- 
after the Democratic convention vras held and 
General Hancock was nominated as their candi- 
date with great unanimity and enthusiasm. The 
masses of the Democratic party rallied to their 
work with great cheerfulness and hope. For two 
months the Hancock boom grew in its proportions. 
It seemed as if it were sure to sweep the country, 
and that Garfield's chances of election were grow- 
ing small by degrees and less every day. 

It was generally understood that New York was 
the pivotal State, and Eepubliean success hinged 
upon success there. The organization of that party 
in New York was entirely in the hands of General 
Grant's friends. The chairman of the State com- 
mittee was the candidate for Vice-President, 

124 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Chester A. Arthur, of New York. I was the chair- 
man of the executive committee. Both of us be- 
longed to the ''Three Hundred and Six" who had 
so stubbornly insisted upon Grant's candidacy. 

O.VRFIELD ELOQUENT, BUT UNTRUSTWORTHY 

Both Conkling and I distrusted the Republican 
candidate for President. Garfield was strong in- 
tellectually, but he lacked moral courage. He was 
perhaps the ablest parliamentarian in Congress, 
a born orator, and could sway the multitude as 
no other man of his day could. He demonstrated 
that while on the stump during the Presidential 
campaign of 1880, and even earlier, when he ut- 
tered the celebrated phrase, "God reigns and the 
Government at Washington still lives," at a time 
when the North seemed panic-stricken over the 
assassination of President Lincoln. 

Garfield was leonine in stature, slow in motion, 
wore a full beard, as did President Hayes and as 
Governor Hughes does, and was a most attractive 
man to meet. He was prone to raise expectations 
that were rarely fulfilled. He was of an emotional 
and religious nature, and religious people, there- 
fore — particularly those who did not know him 
personally — were inclined to believe in him. His 
desertion, in Chicago, of John Sherman, to whose 
Presidential candidacy he was pledged, had been 
typically Garfieldesque. 

Up to the 1st of August, 1880, no steps had been 

125 



The Autf)hi()ij;rap}iy of Thomas Collier Piatt 

taken by the State committee to do any work or 
perfect any plans, so thoroughly Tvere they dis- 
heartened and demoralized. The friends of Gar- 
field saw how desperate his fortunes were grow- 
ing, and that some immediate remedy must be 
applied or the canvass would go by default. They 
saw that it was necessary to pacify, appease and 
arouse Senator Conkling and his friends; and in 
order to do this, a meeting must in some way be 
brought about between Garfield and Conkling. 
This was a difficult task, because everybody under- 
stood that in the state of Conkling's mind it would 
be absolutely impossible to persuade him to go to 
Mentor, or even half way there, on such a mission. 

CONKLING SPUBNS GARFIELD 

Ex-Senator Stephen TT. Dorsey, who at that 
time was one of Garfield's confidential friends 
and close advisers, conceived the plan of bring- 
ing Garfield to New York to meet Conkling 
upon the pretext of a great meeting of the 
leading Republicans of the country, to be held 
at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, New York City, 
to consult as to ways and to provide means 
for conducting the camj^aign. Accordingly, in- 
vitations were sent out all over the country to the 
magnates of the party, summoning them to this 
conference, which was to take place in August, 
1880. This conference was a mere cover and a 
farce. Dorsey and the other promoters of the 

126 



The Autohiographi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

scheme assumed that there could be no doubt that 
Mr. Conkling would readily consent to be present 
at the conference, and to holding the inten-iew for 
the purpose of making terms with the prospective 
President. In this they were mistaken. Mr. Conk- 
ling had planned to come to New York on business 
two or three days prior to the conference, and then 
for the first time learned from Mr. Dorsey the 
proposed plan. He refused absolutely to become a 
party to it, giving as his private reason that he 
Imew Garfield so well that he would not keep any 
promise or regard any obligations made and taken 
under such circumstances, but publicly alleging 
that he could not become a party to any bargain or 
treaty which would be surely charged upon him 
if he remained and took part in the proceedings. 
However, to satisfy his friends, he assured them 
that he would abide by their action in whatever 
they decided to do, and carry out as far as he 
could consistently their promises, urging great 
caution and not to trust to verbal promises. Im- 
portunities of friends had no effect to dissuade 
him, and he left New York immediately, leaving no 
information as to his destination. 

THE "buckeye" man's CHAGRrN" 

Garfield came as arranged. But his chagrin, 
mortification and indignation, which were mani- 
fested (only, of course, to the inner circle) when 
he found that Conkling was absent and would not 

127 



The Autohiogrophj/ of Thomas Collier Plait 

be present, is left to the imagination. Telegrams 
were sent to various points where it was thought 
Mr. Conkling might be, explaining the great em- 
barrassment and begging him to return. He went 
where he knew no importunities could follow. 

On the morning of the second day after Gar- 
field's arrival, the meeting was arranged to take 
place at the rooms occupied by Hon. Levi P. 
Morton, in the Fifth Avenue Hotel, to bring Gen- 
eral Garfield in communication with a few of Mr. 
Conkling 's friends. There were present at that 
interview General Garfield, General Arthur, Hon. 
Levi P. Morton, Richard Crowley and myself. 
There were three primary motives for the consul- 
tation: one to pacify Garfield for Conkling's ab- 
sence ; another to have an understanding with Gen- 
eral Garfield as to his future relations to and 
intentions toward the controlling power in the 
State of New York, viz., the Grant-Conkling "ma- 
chine"; and thirdly, if the former were arranged 
to the mutual satisfaction, to adopt ways and 
means for procuring money to carry on the canvass 
for the latter purpose. The presence of the Hon. 
Levi P. Morton was invoked, the scheme being to 
put Mr. Morton at the head of a special finance 
committee, consisting of a dozen of the most 
wealthy and influential bankers and business men, 
who should be charged with that duty. General 
Garfield himself had previously urged Mr. Morton 
to assume that onerous and thankless burden, 
which up to that time he had refused. 

128 



The Autohiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 



MY TERMS TO GARFIELD 

There was an embarrassing silence for a few 
moments after the above-mentioned gentlemen had 
taken their seats in Mr. Morton's rooms. It was 
broken by General Garfield asking why Mr. Conk- 
ling was not there, and expressing his disappoint- 
ment and indignation in strong terms. An effort 
was then made by all of Mr. Conkling's friends 
present to convince Mr. Garfield that it was just 
as well that he was not there; that we were au- 
thorized to act for him; that Mr. Conkling's excuse 
for his absence seemed to us a valid one, and that 
no charge of bargain, trading or treaty of peace 
could be charged with him absent. Our combined 
assurances and arguments seemed to mitigate his 
wrath, and finally he declared that if we would 
agree to arrange to have Mr. Conkling make two 
or three speeches in Ohio at such points as he 
might designate, he would accept the situation and 
treat with us as Mr. Conkling's representatives. 
This settled, the subject which was the one of 
most vital importance was broached by my 
saying: 

**Mr. Garfield, there seems to be some hesita- 
tion on the part of the other gentlemen present to 
speak; but I might as well say that we are here to 
speak frankly and talk business. The (Question we 
would like to have decided before the work of this 
campaign commences is whether, if you are elected, 
we are to have four years more of an administra- 

129 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Plait 

lion similar to that of Rutherford B. Hayes; 
whether you are going to recognize and reward 
the men who must do the work in this State, and 
bear the brunt of the battle in the campaign; or 
whether you are to counsel with and be guided 
by the advice of the seventeen men who rebelled 
from the delegation at Chicago, disobeyed the 
instructions, and thereby, as is frequently stated, 
made 'your nomination possible.' If the latter is 
your purpose, it is our wish to retire from the 
active work of the canvass and permit you to 
place in command such men as you may desire 
and relieve us from all obligation except the usual 
support of the ticket by all good Republicans. V^e 
cannot afford to do the work, and let others reap 
the reward." 

gaefield's pledges 

General Garfield replied with great earnestness 
and at some length. He disavowed having any 
close relations with the Hayes administration, say- 
ing that he had never received any favors or spe- 
cial consideration from Mr. Hayes during his 
whole term; that he had no sympathy whatever 
with his Southern policy and did not agree with 
him in his civil service plans; that he thought that 
his treatment of Grant and his friends had been 
unwise and unjust, and otherwise he spoke veiy 
disparagingly of Rutherford B. Hayes. He de- 
clared that he knew that the dominant power in 
the State of New York was the friends of Grant 

130 



The Atiiohiographif of Thomas Collier Piatt 

and Conkling; that they were in control of the 
party machinery; and he could not be elected with- 
out their cordial support. He did not want to 
change the order of things, but desired us to take 
hold with zeal and energy and insure his election. 
If this was done, he assured us that the wishes 
of the element of the party we represented should 
be paramount with him, touching all questions of 
patronage. While it would be his duty to give 
such decent recognition of and show proper grati- 
tude to the rebellious element at Chicago that had 
rendered his nomination possible, yet, in dispens- 
ing those favors, he would consult with our friends 
and do only what was approved by them. These 
assurances were oft repeated, and solemnly em- 
phasized, and were accepted and agreed to by all 
those present. 

STIRRING UP THE PEOPLE 

Then Mr. Garfield was given the assurance that 
the canvass which had so languished would be 
pushed from that moment with the utmost energy 
and enthusiasm. I myself retired from that con- 
ference to make arrangements for a special train 
over the Erie to pass through the Southern tier 
of counties to start the boom and stir up the peo- 
ple. I sent telegrams to every point of any con- 
sequence along the line, stating the time for ar- 
rival of the royal train, and urged the faithful to 
rally and welcome the distinguished traveler. The 

131 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

response was magical and wonderful. The people 
turned out by thousands, and the campaign was 
enthusiastically inaugurated. 

THE COMPACT WITH MORTON 

When the general conference broke up, General 
Garfield and Mr. Morton retired to an inner room 
for a private interview. The substance and result 
of that interview as disclosed by Mr. Morton were 
these: Mr. Morton did not propose to undertake 
the labor necessary to circulate a subscription and 
obtain the large amount of money necessary for 
such a national canvass, without squarely knowing 
what his future status would be. It was settled 
that if Mr. Morton would undertake and perform 
the important work, he should have the option of 
receiving, if Mr. Garfield were elected, the Secre- 
taryship of the Treasury, the Ministership to Eng- 
land, or should be made the principal financial 
agent of the Government for funding the bonded 
debt. Upon this understanding, Mr. Morton went 
out from those apartments, organized his finance 
committee, pushed his operations vigorously, and 
did raise the sinews of war which were vital to 
the victory that followed. 

The campaign in the State of New York was 
from that moment pushed with most untiring and 
sleepless energy. No equally exhaustive and ' ' red- 
hot" canvass was ever before made. The people 
in both city and country were aroused to the high- 

132 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

est pitch of enthusiasm. A procession of more 
than 50,000 men, comprising the v-arious merchants 
and business men of New York City, paraded the 
streets, beginning in the early evening and not 
reaching the close until four o'clock in the morn- 
ing. Manufacturers were enlisted into a separate 
organization, and a list of every manufacturing 
firm, corporation and organization, with the name 
of every operative, was obtained, and the shops 
were flooded with every manner of argument to 
persuade the laboring man. The organization of 
the party did its whole duty, carried out its agree- 
ment with General Garfield, and triumphantly car- 
ried the State, thereby saving him from inevitable 
defeat. It was with some diflBculty that the friends 
of Mr. Conkling were enabled to persuade him to 
make the promised speeches in Ohio, and it was 
not until General Grant consented to go with him 
and also be present at the mass meetings that Mr. 
Conkling yielded to the demands of his friends. 

Garfield's thanks to me 

That General Garfield himself was satisfied that 
the pledges given him at the Fifth Avenue confer- 
ence were in good faith, and that he returned to 
his home convinced of the loyalty of the New York 
Republican organization, he himself bore testi- 
mony in a letter to me. Here it is: 



133 



The Autobiographij of TJiomas Collier Piatt 

Mentor, Ohio. August 17, 18S0. 
My Dear Platt : 

In the hurry of our parting, I did not have time 
to express adequately my gratitude for your kind- 
ness in making such perfect arrangements for our 
journey. I cannot now think of a single point in 
all the arrangements that could have been better. 
The remainder of our journey was a continuation 
of what you saw, and I hope no mistakes were 
made and some good done. 

Please let me know how things are looking from 
your end of the line. 

Very truly yours, 

(Signed) J. A. Garfield. 
Hon. T. C. Platt, State Republican Coniniittee, 
New York, N. Y. 

GRANT AND CONKLINQ TO THE RESCUE 

It was after delivering an address at Warren 
that General Grant insisted that Conkling should 
join with him in a call upon General Garfield at 
Mentor. The late Senator Simon Cameron ar- 
ranged the meeting. He had personally warned 
Garfield that he could not be elected unless 
Grant and Conkling were with him. Garfield 
instructed Cameron to go to Warren and urge 
Conkling to visit him. Conkling pleaded that 
he must continue to fulfil his contract to speak for 
the ticket without hindrance. Cameron secured a 
special train and put Grant and Conkling aboard 

134 



The Autobio^raphjf of Thomas Collier Plait 

it. The party arrived at Mentor in a pouring rain. 
They drove to the Garfield home. As Conkling 
stepped out of the carriage, Garfield rushed out 
from the porch bareheaded, and clasping Conkling 
in his arms, exclaimed pathetically: ''Conkling, 
you have saved me. "Whatever man can do for man 
that will I do for you!" 

Conkling exacted a pledge that in all appoint- 
ments for the Federal service in New York State, 
in case of his election, Garfield would consult the 
U. S. Senators, Vice-President and Governor and 
State committee, and that he would make no ap- 
pointments for New York unless they were ap- 
proved by these oflBcials. To this Garfield agreed. 

I saw Conkling on his return. Conkling told me 
of the pledge. I asked: "Have you any faith in 
Garfield!" 

Conkling made a wry face, sneered, and replied : 
**Not much, but we will try him out." 



"PLATT SAVED GARFIELD CLARKSON 

To quote General Clarkson again : 

"A sullen campaign followed. With Grant na- 
turally hurt, Conkling apparently implacable, and 
nearly all the Stalwarts in sjinpathy with him, 
the party was pitched toward certain defeat, de- 
spite the name of Arthur on the ticket as a hostage 
of good intention to the offended element. Mr. 
Piatt, too, as a further pacification, had been made 
-a member of the party's national committee. It 

135 



The A lit Ohio ill' a phji of Thomas Collier Plait 

was Grant and be that set in motion finally the 
influences that brought the discontented into a 
better party spirit, and that resulted in Grant and 
Conkling going to Ohio to speak, and in Piatt so 
organizing the party as to gain the needed votes 
that saved Garfield's election — a result that could 
not and would not have been gained without his 
faithful and powerful help. 

"This was the first of the three Republican 
Presidents who have had their elections saved to 
them through the party devotion, the personality 
and the skill in political generalship of Mr. Piatt; 
the undisputed tokens of his power that the pessi- 
mists never mention. 

"Again there was a movement over the country 
to have the real victor of the difficult campaign 
made Postmaster-General in popular recognition 
of his valuable services. But his own State hur- 
ried forward in its own appreciation and gratitude, 
and in January following elected him to a greater 
honor of its own, that of U. S. Senator. This took 
him to Washington to have the strange experience 
of the President whose election he had saved not 
only disregarding the advice of Conkling and him- 
self as to the appointments in New York, but put- 
ting upon them a name for an important office 
that was to them such an affront as that of no 
other man could have been— an act so strange, 
and an insult so direct, that it drove Piatt into 
resigning and Conkling following his action. 

"This was a mistake for Piatt, for Conkling, 

136 



Tlic Autohiographfj of Thomas Collier Piatt 

and for New York. For it took Piatt for sixteen 
years out of the position of power in which to 
servo his State and the nation ; and ended forever 
the great career of Conkling, and left him to die 
with a bitterness of spirit that the country re- 
gretted as much as himself. Yet it was a manly 
and self-respecting motive, and a just indignation, 
both in a personal and political sense, that led Mr. 
Piatt into doing it, and Mr. Conkling into follow- 
ing him. 



137 




ROSCOE CONKLING 
138 



CHAPTER VII 

1881-1882 

My first contest for the Senate as a Stalwart — 
Garfield repudiates the preelection covenant of 
1880 — What impelled Conkling and myself to 
resent this and resign — Methods employed hy 
the Federal administration to prevent our re- 
election — How ive were beaten — Lou Payn, 
the seer — Horrifying situation produced hy 
the hilling of Garfield — Distressing conditions 
under ivhich Arth^^r succeeded him — My so- 
licitation for Conkling 's return, and hoiv it 
came to grief — I succeed to the Stalwart 
leadership. 

Suddenly I heard myself talked about for the 
U. S. Senate to succeed Francis Kernan, Demo- 
crat. I had so recently identified myself with the 
U. S. Express Company that I was very reluctant 
to return to public life. But friends insisted that 
I should declare myself a candidate. I knew I 
would have the bitter opposition of the Garfield 
men and of Blaine, who was about to become Sec- 
retary of State in the Garfield Cabinet. It seemed 
to me that there had been trouble enough in the 
party without looking for more. The campaign 

139 



The Autohin^rapJij/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

began, however, and I was forced to participate 
finally as an avowed candidate. I soon discovered 
I had rivals in Richard Crowley, of Lockport; 
Sherman S. Eogers, of Erie; William A. Wlieeler, 
of Franklin, who had been Vice-President during 
the Hayes administration; Eldridge G. Lapham, 
■of Ontario; Chaimcey M. Depew and Levi P. 
Morton, of New York. 

The canvass commenced immediately after the 
election returns showed that the Republicans had 
carried the Legislature. 

At first Vice-President Arthur and Conkling 
stoutly supported Crowley. Ultimately they came 
to my aid. They did this, however, after they 
had failed to capture the followers of former Vice- 
President ^Mieeler for Crowley. 

Depew, who at the beginning was the choice of 
Governor Cornell, was withdrawn, and his follow- 
ers were thrown to me. U. S. Marshals Louis F. 
Payn, of Columbia, and Clinton D. MacDougall, of 
Cayuga; Frank Hiscock, of Onondaga; "VVarner 
Miller; former Congressman Davies, and others, 
were among my original adherents. Morton had 
with him the late Hugh Hastings and Jacob A. 
Hess. Wheeler had behind him men who had been 
identified with the Hayes administration. Rogers 
was the candidate of western New York. 

FIRST NAMED FOR THE U. S. SENATE 

The caucus was held on the night of January 13, 
1881. My friends secured the preliminary skir- 

140 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

mish by selecting Senator Dennis McCarthy, of 
Onondaga, as chairman. Patrick CuUinan, of 
Oswego, placed my name before the caucus. He 
was a natural born orator, slow, deliberate, and 
possessed a voice which resounded through the 
chamber. 

Messrs. Halbert, Young and Nowlan seconded 
my nomination. E. A. Carpenter submitted the 
name of Crowley. Speaker Sharpe offered the 
second. Senator Pitts, of Orleans, presented 
Rogers; Assemblyman John Raines, of Ontario, 
Lapham; and Assemblyman Brennan put up 
Wheeler. 

"Old Salt" Thomas G. Alvord, who led the 
Assembly roll call, cast his vote for me. So did 
Assemblyman James W. Husted, popularly known 
as the **Bald Eagle of Westchester." It became 
apparent long before the roll call ended that I 
was to be the victor. 

Out of 105 votes I received 54; Crowley, 26; 
Rogers and Wheeler, each 10; Lapham, 4; and 
Morton, 1. Speaker Sharpe moved to make the 
nomination unanimous, and it was so agreed. 

ORIGIN OF THE TERM " STALWART" 

It was during this contest that the term "Stal- 
wart" became so celebrated. 

Alfred R. Conkling, nephew of the late Senator, 
asserts that his uncle coined the term "Stalwart" 
at a meeting of the three of us at Wormley^s 

141 



The Autobiographi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Hotel, Washington, in 1875. He says that Conk- 
ling addressed me: **Let me introduce my 
nephew, Alfred." 

I looked the yomig man over and remarked: 
"You resemble an Englishman more than you do 
an American." 

"He is a Stalwart man," was Senator Conk- 
ling's reply. 

Since the nephew reminded me of this incident, 
I have had a pretty accurate recollection that it is 
correct. In any event. Senator Conkling was the 
first man I ever heard use the word in politics, 

I was really put forth as a "Stalwart of the 
St-alwarts." As such I was elected. Nothing 
pleased me more than to get this message from 
Conkling: 

"I congratulate the Republican party m the 
State of New York on the choice of a Senator 
who never apologized for being a 'Stalwart.' " 

HOW I WON 

The New York Tribune, the day after my nomi- 
nation, thus described how I had won : 

The Senatorial Nomination. — Mr. Thomas C. 
Piatt is to be the next United States Senator from 
New York. Readers of the Tribune at least have 
no reason for surprise at a result which has been 
so long and so clearly foreshadowed. If a dis- 
tinctive representative of the machine was to be 

142 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

chosen, then doubtless this is the best result that 
was attainable; and Mr. Piatt's majority is due 
to that belief among his opponents. 

In much of the newspaper discussion concern- 
ing him, Mr. Piatt has been the victim of an 
unreasonable prejudice. When his closest politi- 
cal friend and most effective supporter was nomi- 
nated year before last for the governorship, we 
took the opportunity to say that while Mr. Cornell 
had never been our candidate, we were confident 
that he had been unjustly assailed, that he would 
be elected, and that he would go out of office far 
more popular than when he entered it. "With his 
term not yet half expired, we already find the 
latter prediction fulfilled, and his warmest eulogy 
coming from those who had most vehemently dis- 
trusted him. "We think Mr. Piatt will have a 
similar experience. He will be found a faithful 
and zealous Eepublican; he will seek what he 
honestly believes to be the best interest of the 
whole Republican party ; he will be an industrious, 
capable and efficient business Senator ; and he will 
be far more popular two years hence than to-day. 

It would be a great mistake to regard this elec- 
tion as a clear defeat of the men whose independ- 
ent action at Chicago secured the nomination of 
Garfield. Finding a concentration on one of their 
own men impossible, they have chosen that candi- 
date among the possibilities who best suited them. 
They chose the man whom General Artlmr tried 
to defeat; the man whom the blind followers of 

143 



The Aiitohiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

the machine accused of a disposition to set np for 
himself; the man whom Cornell, after undergoing 
a similar arraignment for daring to act on his 
own judgment, persisted in favoring; the man 
whom the city machine was most earnestly anx- 
ious to defeat. Mr. Piatt does not owe his nomi- 
nation to Mr. Conkling. He does owe it, in part, 
to the active hostility of those machine men to 
whom Mr. Conkling has of late given the largest 
share of his confidence; and in part to the sup- 
port of those machine men who have been sus- 
pected and accused of too much independence. 
He owes it more to confidence in his fairness and 
candor felt among a large portion of the anti- 
machine men. And, finally, he owes it to the warm 
friendship felt among Kepublicans in almost 
every county of the interior for the man whom 
they have long known as one of the most active 
and effective working Republicans of the State. 

Garfield's renewed promise to conkling 

In January, 1881, Senator Conkling receiv^ed 
from President-elect Garfield a letter bidding him 
to come to Mentor and consult about New York 
appointments and other Empire State affairs. 

Here is President-elect Garfield's autograph 
letter inviting Conkling to visit him: 



144 



The Antohioffraphji of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Mentor, January 31, 1881. 
Dear Senator: 

As the time is near at hand when I must enter 
upon my new duties, I would be glad to consult 
you upon several subjects relating to the next 
administration, and especially in reference to New 
York interests. It does not seem possible for me 
to visit Washington at present, and I write to 
express the hope that you will do me the favor 
to visit me here at as early a date as possible. 

Very truly yours, 

J. A. Garfield. 
Hon. EoscoE Conkling, Washington, D. C. 

Conkling responded. There was a long consul- 
tation between him and the President-elect. The 
President-elect reiterated his pledges to make no 
New York appointments without consultation 
wdth the U. S. Senators and the other organiza- 
tion leaders. Conkling came back quite as skep- 
tical as ever of Garfield's intention to fulfil his 
promises. 

GARFIELD REPUDIATES HIS AGREEMENT 

Garfield was inaugurated. The fact that Conk- 
ling and I stood directly behind the President and 
seemed on most friendly terms with him caused 
those who were ignorant of the situation to be- 
lieve that we were really political allies. Their 
mistake was emphasized when, a few days after 
qualifying, without consultation with us or with 

145 



TJie Autobiography of Tliomas Collier Piatt 

any New York representatives, Garfield an- 
nounced tlie removal of General Edwin A. Mer- 
ritt as Collector of the Port of New York. Merritt 
had proved himself a most faithful and experi- 
enced officer, and we could discover no reason for 
his decapitation except that the President desired 
a place for "William H. Robertson as a reward for 
his championship at Chicago and during the 
campaign. 

I had been sworn in as U. S. Senator the day 
before Garfield took the oath of office. Conkling 
and I called upon the President inauguration day 
to offer our congratulations. "We were received 
with great cordiality. During the conversation 
the President voluntarily referred to the agree- 
ment made by him with Conkling at Mentor, and 
reassured us that the contract then outlined 
would be fulfilled. Despite this, rumors contin- 
ued to multiply that Blaine was very busy striving 
to induce the President to make practically a clean 
sweep of Stalwart office-holders in New York. 
They became so prevalent that I began to believe 
there was a deal of foundation for them. March 
18 I was compelled to go to New York to attend 
to some private business. Lest there might be 
misunderstanding, I addressed a letter to the 
President, explaining my absence from "Washing- 
ton, and requesting that the agreement as to con- 
sideration of New York appointments might be 
kept at least until my return. Here is a copy of the 
letter in facsimile, reproduced for the first time: 

146 



U. S. SENATE CHAMBER 

WASHINGTON/ 



7k^ 




^^^<4^ vr. DfYf 














J 





^"^"^^^ ^^ ^/■^- 



148 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

No summons came to either Conkling or myself 
during my visit to New York. Meantime we con- 
tinued to hear mutterings from the White House 
that were unwelcome to our ears. 

GARFIELD DECLARES WAR 

They were that Garfield had made known to 
certain of his intimates that he had uttered no 
promise of any kind to me and others at the Au- 
gust, New York, conference, or to Conkling at 
Mentor ; that even if he had, he could not, because 
of the pressure brought upon him by Secretary 
Blaine and others who had stood for his nomina- 
tion at Chicago, make good. 

In view of these reports, Conkling and myself 
were not astonished at the announcement of the 
removal of General Merritt. When we learned 
that Merritt would have to go, Conkling and I 
made up our minds to recommend a man for his 
successor. Sunday night, March 21, after a con- 
ference with me. Senator Conkling called at the 
White House purposing to suggest Levi P. Mor- 
ton for Merritt 's job. The President informed 
Conkling that he was not ready to consider New 
York appointments. Conkling assured me that 
again did Garfield reaffirm his New York and 
Mentor promises. March 23, within forty-eight 
hours after Conkling 's call, the President sent to 
the Senate the nominations of William H. Eobert- 
son for Collector of the Port; General Stewart L. 

149 



TJie Autobiography of TJiomas Collier Piatt 

Woodford, of Brooklyn, and A. TV. Tenney, of 
New York, for U. S. District-Attorneys; and C. D. 
McDougall, of Auburn, and Louis F. Payn, of 
Columbia, for U. S. Marshals. 

PajTi was our friend. The others were not. 
Though much angered, we at first offered no pro- 
test. However, our patience soon became ex- 
hausted, especially about the nomination of Rob- 
ertson, who was thoroughly detested by Coukling, 
and had constantly fought the organization we 
had established. It developed that after Conk- 
ling's call upon the President, Secretary Blaine 
had visited Garfield and induced him to nominate 
Robertson. 



CONKLING, NOT I, THE ' ' ME, TOO" 

Inasmuch as the collectorship was the most de- 
sirable and lucrative New York oflBce within the 
gift of the President, Conkling and myself natur- 
ally were inclined to resent Robertson's nomina- 
tion. I have been portrayed as a "Me, too," an 
''Echo" and "Dromio" of Conkling. It had been 
an impression among my critics that I merely 
followed the example of Conkling in exhibiting 
my protestations by resigning from the Senate. 

These are the facts: "When I was informed 
that Robertson's nomination had been submitted 
to the Senate, I went to the desk and examined the 
official document. I considered it a gratuitous 
insult to the New York Republican organization. 

150 



The AutobiograpJnj of Thomas Collier Piatt 

I walked over to Conkling and said: **I shall send 
my resignation to Governor Cornell to-night." 
Conkling, with a look of impatience, turned npon 
me and replied : ** Young man, do not be too hasty 
about this matter!" 

We then went to the rear of the Chamber and 
talked it over. 

Conkling insisted that we should wait, and fight 
it out in the committee to which the Robertson 
nomination had been referred. I replied: ''We 
have been so humiliated as U. S. Senators from 
the great State of New York, that there is but 
one thing for us to do — rebuke the President by 
immediately turning in our resignations and then 
appeal to the Legislature to sustain us." 

I finally induced Conkling, May 14, to join me 
in offering our joint resignations. He made up 
his mind after Vice-President Arthur and Post- 
master-General James, the only member of the 
Garfield Cabinet from New York, had voiced their 
protest along with Governor Cornell and other 
New York Republican leaders. 

Cornell sent a trusted friend to Washington to 
personally warn the President that the proposed 
change in the custom house would disrupt the 
Republican party in New York. A caucus of Re- 
publican U. S. Senators, with unanimity, declared 
its unqualified disapproval of the President's 
course. A committee was deputized to wait upon 
the President, offer a remonstrance, and notify 
him that unless the Robertson nomination was 

151 



Tlie Autobiographi/ of Thomas Collier Plait 

withdravm, tlie Republican party of New York 
would be hopelessly divided, and the State might 
be hopelessly surrendered to the Democracy. The 
President received the committee in high dudgeon. 
He scarcely awaited a declaration of its mission 
before he roared: 

"I do not propose to be dictated to. Any Ee- 
publican Senator who votes against my nomina- 
tions may know that he can expect no favors from 
the Executive. Senators who dare to oppose the 
Executive will henceforth require letters of in- 
troduction to the White House." 

CONKLING JOINS ME IN RESIGNING 

This caused Conkling and myself to become the 
more detennined to resign. On the night of May 
14, by special messenger, there was sent to Gov- 
ernor Cornell the following letter: 

Washington, D. C, May 14, 1881. 
Hon. Alonzo B. Cornell, Executive Chamber, 
Albany, N. Y. 
Sir: Transmitting, as we do, our resignations, 
respectively, of the great trust with which New 
York has honored us, it is fit that we acquaint you, 
and, through you, the Legislature and people of 
the State, with the reasons which, in our judg- 
ment, make such a step respectful and necessary. 
Some weeks ago the President sent to the Sen- 
ate, in a group, the nominations of several per- 

152 



The Atitohiograj)hif of Thomas Collier Piatt 

sons for public offices already filled. One of these 
offices is the Collectorship of the Port of New 
York, now held by General Merritt; another is 
the Consul-Generalship at London, now held by 
General Badeau; another is Charge d 'Affaires to 
Denmark, held by Mr. Cramer; another is the 
mission to Switzerland, held by Mr. Fish, a son 
of the former distinguished Secretary of State. 
Mr. Fish had, in deference to an ancient prac- 
tice, placed his position at the disposal of the 
new administration, but, like the other persons 
named, he was ready to remain at his post if per- 
mitted to do so. All of these officers, save only 
Mr. Cramer, are citizens of New York. It was 
proposed to displace them all, not for any alleged 
fault of theirs, or for any alleged need or advan- 
tage of the public service, but in order to give 
the great office of Collector of the Port of New 
York to Mr. William H. Robertson as a ''reward" 
for certain acts of his, said to have ** aided in 
making the nomination of General Garfield pos- 
sible." The chain of removals thus proposed was 
broken by General Badeau promptly declining to 
accept the new place to which he was sent. 

These nominations summoned every member of 
the Senate to say on his oath whether he "ad- 
vised" such a transaction. The movement was 
more than a surprise. We had been told only a 
few hours before that no removals in the New 
York offices were soon to be made or even con- 
sidered, and had been requested to withhold the 

153 



The AiitohiosrapJui of Thomas Collier Piatt 

papers and suggestions bearing on the subject, 
which had been sent to us for presentation should 
occasion arise, until we had notice from the Presi- 
dent of his readiness to receive them. Learning 
that the Vice-President was equally surprised, 
and had been equally misled, we went to Mr. 
James, the Cabinet officer from our State, and 
learned that though he had spent some time with 
the President on the morning of the day the nomi- 
nations were sent in, no disclosure of an inten- 
tion to send them had been made to him, and that 
he first knew of the matter by hearsay following 
the event. After earnest reflection and consulta- 
tion, we believed the proceeding unwise and 
wrong, whether considered wholly in relation to 
the preservation and integrity of the public serv- 
ice and the public example to be set, or in relation 
also to the integrity of the Republican party. No 
public utterance of comment or censure was made 
by either of us in the Senate or elsewhere ; on the 
contrary, we thought that the President would 
reconsider an action so sudden and hasty, and 
would at least adopt less hurtful and objectiona- 
ble modes of requiting personal or individual 
service. 

PROTEST TO THE PRESmENT 

In this hope the following paper was prepared 
and signed, and presented by Mr. James to the 
President, who was subsequently informed that 
vou had authorized your name to be added also: 

154 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

To the President: We beg leave to remonstrate 
against the change in the Colleetorship of the Port 
of New York by the removal of Mr. Merritt and 
the appointment of Mr. Robertson. The proposal 
was wholly a surprise. We heard of it only when 
the several nominations involved in the plan were 
announced in the Senate. We had only two days 
before this been informed from you that a change 
in the customs office at New York was not con- 
templated; and, quite ignorant of a purpose to 
take any action now, we had no opportunity, until 
after the nominations, to make the suggestion we 
now present. We do not believe that the interests 
of the public service will be promoted by remov- 
ing the present collector and putting Mr. Robert- 
son in his stead. Our opinion is quite the reverse, 
and we believe no political advantage can be 
gained for either the Republican party or its prin- 
ciples. Believing that no individual has claims 
or obligations which should be liquidated in such 
a mode, we earnestly and respectfully ask that the 
nomination of Mr. Robertson be withdrawn. 

Chester A. Arthur. 

T. C. Platt. 

Thomas L. James. 

roscoe conklinq. 

remonstrances from THE PEOPLE 

Immediately after the nominations were pub- 
lished, letters and telegrams in great numbers 

155 



The Autobio^raph// of Thomas Collier Piatt 

came from every part of the State, from its lead- 
ing citizens, protesting against the proposed 
changes and condemning them on many grounds. 
Several thousands of the leading mercantile firms 
of New York — constituting, we are informed, a 
majority of every branch of trade — sent us re- 
monstrances. Sixty of the eighty-one Eepublican 
members of the Assembly, by letter or memorial, 
made objection. Representatives in Congress, 
State officials, business men, professional men, 
commercial, industrial and political organizations, 
are among the remonstrants, and they speak from 
every section of the State. Besides the nomina- 
tions already referred to, there were awaiting 
the action of the Senate several citizens of New 
York named for offices connected with the courts, 
district attorneys and marshals. These were all 
reappointments. Most of them had been origi- 
nally commissioned by Mr. Hayes. They were 
certified by the judges of the courts and many 
other eminent persons, who attested the faithful- 
ness and merit of their service, and recommended 
their continuance. They were not presented by 
us. 

We have not attempted to ''dictate," nor have 
we asked the nomination of one person to any 
office in the State. Indeed, with the sole excep- 
tion of the written request set forth above, we 
have never even expressed an opinion to the Presi- 
dent in any ease unless questioned in regard to 
it. 

156 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

The Legislature is in session. It is Republican 
in majority, and New York abounds in sons quite 
as able as we to bear her mission and commission 
in the Senate of the United States. 

With a profound sense of the obligations we 
owe, with devotion to the Republican party and 
its creed of liberty and right, with reverent at- 
tachment to the great State whose interests and 
honor are dear to us, we hold it respectful and 
becoming to make room for those who may cor- 
rect all the errors we have made, and interpret 
aright all the duties we have misconceived. 

We therefore inclose our resignations, but hold 
fast the privilege, as citizens and Republicans, to 
stand for the constitutional rights of all men, 
and of all representatives, whether of the States, 
the nation or the people. 

We have the honor to be, 

Very respectfully, your obedient servants, 

roscoe conkling. 
Thomas C. Platt. 
To his Excellency, Governor Cornell, Albany, 
N. Y. 

Postmaster-General James at first agreed to 
unite with us and resign from the Cabinet. But 
Garfield and Blaine got at him and he changed 
his mind. 



157 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 



"this ingrate in the white house" 

Lou. Payn was at Albany, in consultation with 
Governor Cornell, when news reached them, May 
15, that Conkling's and my resignations were on 
the way. 

**What does this mean, marshal?" asked the 
governor in alarm. 

"It means," responded Payn, "that Piatt and 
Conkling have resigned their seats in the Senate ; 
that a messenger will be here at noon to-day with 
copies of their resignations, and a letter explain- 
ing why they have resigned." 

Cornell, who was bent on succeeding himself 
the following year, saw premonitions of disaster, 
and in tones of trepidation asked: "Well, mar- 
shal, what is to be done?" 

"Send for Speaker Sharpe and our other 
friends and consult as to the best line of getting 
even with this— ingrate in the White House," 
roared Payn. 

While Sharpe, Cornell, Payn and others of our 
supposed allies were aimlessly discussing a course 
of action, our joint letter of resignation and its 
written justification were read to the Legislature. 
Payn told me afterward that he had rarely wit- 
nessed more of a sensation in the Senate and As- 
sembly than it produced. 

The next day, the Garfield organs flayed Conk- 
ling and myself, and declared that we had both 
gone to private life, where we belonged. Their 

158 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

gross wilful ignorance of the real cause of our 
voluntary retirement from the Senate and the 
inception of it, were disclosed when in editorial 
and cartoon I was pictured as a small boy stick- 
ing out of Conkling's pocket, with a card labeled 
"Me, too!" tied to one of my hands. That I had 
no selfish motive in assuming the attitude I had 
must be apparent when I say that I offered, if 
some other Stalwart than myself could be agreed 
upon for my seat, to pay all the expenses of his 
and Conkling's canvass. I sincerely believed that 
Conkling's return would prove a suflScient rebuke 
to Garfield. I was more than willing to go back 
to my private business if a reelection for Conkling 
could be assured. 

HOW CONKLING AND I WERE DEFEATED FOR REELECTION 

Conkling and I returned to New York from 
"Washington Sunday, May 21. There we met Vice- 
President Arthur, Superintendent of Insurance 
John F. Smyth, State Senator Robert H. Strahan, 
Speaker George H. Shai-pe, Stephen B. French, 
Louis F. Payn, and A. B. Johnson. There was a 
long conference. A majority of those who par- 
ticipated decided that we owed it to the Repub- 
lican organization to resent the contumely Gar- 
field heaped upon it and us, by seeking of the 
Legislature an immediate reelection. Conkling, 
disgusted, and seemingly anxious to quit public 
life, protested against any such course. But he 

159 



The Autob'iOi^rapliji of Thomas Collier Piatt 

finally agreed to it when it was impressed upon 
him that the very existence of the organization 
which he and I had helped to build up was at 
stake. Lou. Payn prognosticated that we would 
both be defeated. Speaker Sharpe angrily turned 
upon Payn and exclaimed: "We shall win this 
battle without any trouble." "Huh, but you will 
be the first to desert us," retorted Payn. 

Both of his predictions were verified. 

There immediately began the bitterest Sena- 
torial contest within the history of the State that 
I can recall. The Garfield administration, de- 
termined that we should not be returned, at first 
put up former Vice-President William A. ^Vlieeler 
against Conkling, and later Elbridge G. Lapham, 
of Ontario. Chauncey M. Depew was for a while 
regarded the administration choice against me. 
But the administration picked "Warner Miller. 
The Legislative balloting began May 31. The 
entire month of June and more than half of July 
were consumed in balloting and fighting. I be- 
came satisfied on the night of June 30 that by 
remaining in the field I was very much injuring 
Conkling's chances for reelection. The thirty-first 
ballot taken that day had resulted as follows: 
For Conkling's seat: Wheeler, 43; Conkling, 32; 
Lapham, 17; Sherman S. Rogers, 4; Cornell, 2; 
Lieutenant-Governor Iloskins, 1 — Republicans; 
and 0. B. Potter, Democrat, 53. (Seventy-seven 
votes were required to nominate.) For my seat: 
Depew, 51; Piatt, 28; Cornell, 11; Lapham, 2; 

160 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Tremain, 1; Crowley, 7 — Republicans; Kernan, 
Democrat, 53. 

During the night I consulted with Conkling, 
Payn and other friends, and urged that I was sim- 
ply ruining Conkling 's chances to go back to 
Washington, and argued that I should be allowed 
to withdraw. I felt that I could much better be 
spared from the Senate than could Conkling. 
Conkling and Payn vehemently protested that I 
should stick. Before morning I had completely 
made up my mind and told Conkling so. I re- 
quested Payn to go to Speaker Sharpe and ask 
him to formally withdraw my name. 

'*I will do nothing of the kind. We are in this 
struggle to the finish, and you must not retire," 
implored Payn. 

"Then, if no one will carry this message to 
Sharpe, I will do so myself," I replied. 

Finally Payn acceded to my wishes. On the 
morning of July 1, he notified Sharpe. On the 
way to the copitol Payn happened to meet Richard 
Crowley, who was really the personal choice of 
Vice-President Arthur for the Senate. 

"I am on my way to announce the withdrawal 
of Senator Piatt," said Payn. 

<<For goodness' sake, don't do it! That will 
jeopardize my candidacy," replied Crowley. 

"Cannot help that. Piatt's mind is made up, 
and when it is made up, that settles it," returned 
Payn, as he hastened to call Speaker Sharpe out 

161 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

of the chair and coinmimicate my desires. Sharpe 
agreed to respect them. 

I WITHDRAW TO HELP CONKLING 

When the joint convention of the two houses 
was called to order, Speaker Sharpe announced: 
'*I have been voting for Thomas C. Piatt for Sen- 
ator. At his request, and in the interest of the 
Republican party, I withdraw his name. I vote 
for Crowley." 

As a result of my withdrawal, Crowley got 
fourteen more votes, and Cornell five. The re- 
mainder of my friends scattered among the other 
candidates. The late John J. O'Brien came rush- 
ing into my room on hearing of my retirement and 
begged that I reconsider. "Do this, and we shall 
adjourn the Legislature sine die, and you and 
Conkling will have secured your vindication," he 
urged. 

"I came here seeking a reelection. I find it im- 
possible to secure it. I am injuring Conkling 's 
chances for a return to "Washington every hour I 
remain a candidate. Therefore I have concluded 
to finally withdraw," was my answer. 

Garfield's assassination 

In the midst of spiritless balloting, July 2, we 
were all shocked by the news of the assassination 
of President Garfield. I was simply stunned. So 

162 



The Autobiography of Jliomas Collier Piatt 

were Conkling, Vice-President Arthur, and every- 
body else. Arthur was overcome with grief, par- 
ticularly when he read in the dispatches that 
Charles Guiteau, the murderer, when asked: "In 
God's name, why did you shoot the President?" 
replied: **I am a Stalwart, and I want Arthur 
for President." 

Arthur, during the day, received a message 
from Secretary of State Blaine, acquainting him 
with the horrible tragedy, and asking him to hurry 
to Washington. Arthur, Conkling and myself 
took the first available train for New York. We 
all three shed tears during the trip. 

We all realized, too, how — it was soon proved — 
our political enemies would try and associate us 
with a crime committed by a crazy man. We 
found New York almost as much excited as dur- 
ing the draft riots of 1863. On reaching the Fifth 
Avenue Hotel, evidence of insanity among others 
than Guiteau was manifested. The proprietors 
of the hotel had received a card written in a 
scrawling hand, reading: 

Gens: We will hang Conkling and Co. at nine 
P.M. sharpe. The Committee. 

Arthur hurried on to Washington, where he 
was soon to succeed Garfield. Conkling and my- 
self went at once to our rooms, where we found 
other warnings, that, should Garfield die, Arthur, 
Conkling and myself should pay the penalty. 

163 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Conkling was admonished that he must give up the 
fight for the Senatorship. I was not alarmed 
much over the threats of bodily chastisement, but 
I was over the dreadful popular misunderstand- 
ing of our course, which muddle-brained men 
twisted into a physical assault upon the President 
of the United States. I lost all interest in the 
conflict at Albany in my anxiety for the recovery 
of the President, and joined with the millions of 
American people in praying that he might be re- 
stored to us. 

WARNER MILLER WINS MY SEAT 

While President Garfield lay upon his death- 
bed the battle for Conkling's and my places was 
resumed, though I took no part in it. Conkling 
managed his campaign from New York. 

July 7, sixty-two "Half-breeds" and "Feather- 
heads," as adherents of the Garfield administra- 
tion had been characterized during the contest, 
called a caucus of the Republican legislators. This 
was held the next day. Depew withdrew from the 
race. Warner Miller was nominated for my seat, 
and Lapliam for Conkling's. Miller's election 
was brought about by Senators Eobertson, Mad- 
den, McCarthy, Wagner, Woodin, and other rep- 
resentatives of the national administration. After 
four ballots, upon orders from Washington, there 
was a stampede for Miller, which carried him to 
victory. Lapham was later chosen by a large 
majority. 

1G4 



The Autobio^raphj/ of Thomas Collier Flatt 

But the Conkling men fought to the finish. They 
took up Wheeler and other candidates and tried 
to defeat Lapham. In each case they were 
whipped. 

July 16, Miller was formally chosen to succeed 
me, chiefly through the defection of Speaker 
Sharpe, as prophesied in May by Lou. Pa}Ti. July 
22, Lapham was also elected, Senator Halbert, 
the Conkling campaign manager, finally throwing 
the entire Conkling vote to Lapham. 

Conkling 's pride was hurt by the disaster that 
befell him. He gradually relinquished his inter- 
est in politics, and returned to the practice of his 
profession, in which he shone brilliantly until his 
tragic death in the blizzard of 1888. 



I SUCCEED CONKLING IN THE LEADERSHIP 

Conkling 's Stalwart leadership title really fell 
upon me after our joint defeat for reelection to 
the Senate. In answer to accusations frequently 
uttered by ''Half-breeds" in the early eighties, 
and my opponents since, that I plotted to unhorse 
Conkling, while pretending to be his devoted 
deputy, let me quote St. Clair McKelway, editor 
of the Brooklyn Eagle, in an article headed: 
"Thomas Collier Piatt — the Recognized Repub- 
lican Boss," printed August 5, 1900: 

"Mr. Piatt, so long as he was in alliance with 
Mr. Conkling as leader, was true to him, and re- 

165 



The Autobiographi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

mained true in times when nearly all of the other 
lieutenants proved failures." 

I served Conkling faithfully so long as he was 
willing to lead. When disheartened, and stung 
by the refusal of the Legislature to send him back 
to the Senate, Conkling voluntarily quit politics, 
all his old allies marshaled themselves about me 
and hailed me as his heir. 

Those who have attacked me for espousing the 
cause of Blaine, Conkling's bitterest enemy, in 
1884, must remember that three years had elapsed 
since Conkling had been active in political affairs. 
Indeed, he had withdrawn from the field entire- 
ly, and neither I nor any of his former lieutenants 
could induce him to lift hand or voice in behalf of 
any candidate for office. 



166 



CHAPTER VIII 

1882-1884 

Annihilation of Folger — Surprising official debut 
of Cleveland — Truth about the ''forged tele- 
gram" — Hoiv the lie tvas worked to crucify 
Republican candidates — Conkling, disheart- 
ened, formally hands over his command to 
me — Republicans take fresh hold and carry 
the State. 

Rakely have the issues of a campaign been so 
befogged and Republican candidates so misrep- 
resented as in 1882. We entered upon that can- 
vass split asunder by the schism that followed the 
differences between President Garfield and the 
Republican organization in this State. Few of 
us believed it possible to repeat the success of 
1879, even had we been united. 

Governor Cornell had proved a good executive. 
But many of us felt that he had been too pro- 
nounced a factionist in the quarrel with Presi- 
dent Garfield. Representative Republicans and 
independents throughout the State urged that we 
name in his place a man who had not been actively 
identified with either the Stalwart or Half-breed 
wing of the party. 

167 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Early in the summer of 1882, the dominant sen- 
timent appeared to favor the nomination of 
Charles J. Folger, of Ontario, for Governor. He 
had been a most capable State Senator; had 
served acceptably as Assistant Treasurer of the 
United States; had been a member of the consti- 
tutional convention of 1867; a member of the high- 
est court in the State, which gave him the title 
of **01d Court of Appeals"; had been offered the 
Attorney-Generalship by President Garfield, and, 
after declining that, was made Secretary of the 
Treasury by him, and was retained in that office 
by President Arthur. His spotless character, his 
extraordinary ability, and his avoidance of petty 
disputes that involved the party leaders, seemed 
to make him an ideal choice for the governorship. 

Long before the convention met at Saratoga in 
September, such experts at getting at Eepublican 
sentiment as James D. Warren, of Erie ; Richard 
Crowley, of Niagara; John X. Knapp, of Cayuga; 
John J. O'Brien and Cornelius Van Cott, of New 
York, became convinced that Judge Folger was 
about the only man who could be elected, and that 
Cornell could not be reelected. I coincided in that 
opinion. 

CORNELL OUT FOR FIGHT 

Cornell, however, announced his determination 
to fight for a renomination. Behind him were 
Senator Warner Miller, of Herkimer; Silas B. 

168 



rri 



he AutobiograpJn/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 



Diitcber, of Kings; Louis F. Payn, of Columbia; 
and Ellis H. Roberts, of Oneida. James M. 
Matthews, of Erie, and a few admirers of James 
W. Wadsworth, of Livingston, backed bim. Ad- 
herents of Jobn H. Starin, of New York; AValter 
A. Wood, of Rensselaer; and General Robinson, 
of Broome, sought to create a diversion by groom- 
ing them as dark horses. 

Warner Miller tried to produce a popular im- 
pression that President Arthur was seeking to 
force the nomination of Judge Folger, and that 
the President was making war on Cornell, a Re- 
publican, instead of upon a Democrat. There was 
no warrant for this accusation. President 
Arthur in the initial stages of the contest pub- 
licly announced that he would in no way inter- 
fere, and that the Republicans of New York must 
choose their own ticket without expectation of 
encouragement or rebuke from the Federal ad- 
ministration. 

The fight for delegates to the State convention 
showed that on a preliminary canvass Folger 
would have at least 260 votes; Cornell, 174; and 
Wadsworth, 74. The Half-breeds exulted much 
at seizing upon the delegates from Ontario 
County, the home of Judge Folger. Their agents 
had gone to Judge Folger and assured him that 
local pride would induce them to give him his 
home delegation. The judge believed them. His 
friends made no contest, though they could easily 

169 



The Autobiography of 2' ho mas Collier Piatt 

have carried the primaries. They woke up with 
an anti-Folger delegation chosen to Saratoga. 
Colonel George Bliss is on record as asserting: 
' ' The vote of Ontario was stolen. Judge Folger 
was told by the Half-breeds that there would be 
no opposition to him there. He and his friends 
learned too late that the Ontario delegates were 
wolves in sheep's clothing." 

FOLGER WINS IN CONVENTION 

On reaching Saratoga we found that we needed 
at least two if not four votes to control the State 
committee which made up the preliminary roll 
of the State convention. We soon gained recruits, 
however, through unexpected accessions, and de- 
feated the Half-breeds by making former Senator 
Edward M. Madden temporary- chairman of the 
convention, by a vote of 18 to 14. That gave the 
Folger men a preliminary victory. It was fol- 
lowed up by the nominations of the judge and a 
ticket that we believed would appeal to the citi- 
zenship of the State. Folger got on first ballot, 
223 votes; Cornell, 180; Wadsworth, 69; Starin, 
19 ; and Robinson, 6. The second ballot settled the 
contest, Folger getting 257; Cornell, 222; and 
Wadsworth, 18. 

The Democrats, who had meantime nominated 
Grover Cleveland, made one of the great issues an 
alleged forged telegram, through which it was 
charged the Folger men secured control of the 

170 



The Aiitobiographi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

organization of the Saratoga convention. That 
there were no serious grounds for the accusation 
was established long before the canvass ended. 
But the defeated Ilalf-breeds joined with the 
Democrats in keeping the falsehood afloat. It 
did much toward bringing about the victory of 
Cleveland, and disaster for Folger and the Re- 
publican ticket. 



TRUTH ABOUT THAT " FORGED " TELEGRAM 

The facts are these: At the meeting of the 
State committee, Stephen B. French, once Com- 
missioner of Police in New York, and a warm sup- 
porter of Judge Folger, submitted a telegram 
from .William H. Robertson, reading thus: 

New York, September 19, 1882. 
Hon. S. B. French, Grand Union Hotel, Saratoga : 
Please act as my proxy at meeting of State com- 
mittee, and oblige, 

W. H. Robertson. 

That there might be no subterfuge, French had 
the message read to the committee. No protest 
was offered against his acting for Robertson, al- 
though Speaker James W. Husted and other con- 
fidants of the Collector of the Port of New York 
were in attendance and participated in the pro- 
ceedings. The following day Collector Robertson 
declared in the newspapers that he had never au- 

171 



The Autohiograplni of Tiiomas Collier Flatt 

thorized French to act for liim, and that the 
telegram Tvas a forgery. 

That French believed the telegram genuine and 
that he acted in perfect faith, I did not doubt at 
the time, nor have I any reason to change that 
impression. If the telegram was forged, French 
was quite as much a victim of duplicity as was 
Eobertson. I accepted then and I accept now 
Commissioner French's statement. It was made 
immediately after the rumor was in circulation 
that the telegram was not authorized, and ran 
about as follows: 

FRENCH NAILS THE LIE 

''This is due to the duplicity of Robertson. For 
six months the Cornell men believed that Robert- 
son would support them at the State convention. 
Robertson told Al. Daggett he would support 
Cornell. He told Richard Crowley he would sup- 
port Folger. ^lien the Westchester delegation 
was elected, I felt that Robertson was treacherous 
and would act in opposition to the administration. 
He did not attend the convention in his own 
district. This he never failed to do, in my recol- 
lection. A majority of the delegates from West- 
chester were Cornell men. 

**I knew that the State convention would be 
close. I resolved to find out precisely where Mr. 
Robertson stood. Last Monday morning I went 
to see him at the custom house. He was not there. 

172 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Plait 

I left word that I would like to see him at Mr. 
Acton's office in the assay office building, across 
the way, as soon as he came in. I went over to 
Acton's office. Robertson came over from the 
custom house. Acton told him frankly what I had 
said. Robertson said: 'Is French angry with 
me?' Acton told him I was. Robertson said: 
'Well, I will go and see Secretary Folger at the 
Fifth Avenue Hotel. I would prefer to deal with 
him. He is a man of milder temper.' 

Robertson's promise to folger 

''Robertson then went to the hotel. I followed 
him, but he had already made his call on Secre- 
tary Folger and left. I saw Secretary Folger, 
and said: 'What did Robertson say?' The judge 
replied: 'Pie said he would support me in the 
convention.' I said: 'Judge, Robertson is cheat- 
ing vou. I am sure he is. You have treated him 
too handsomely. I wish I had been here when 
Robertson had been here. He is swindling all of 
us. Why, just look at those Westchester dele- 
gates! It is nonsense for Robertson to say he 
could not control their election. He has held the 
county in the palm of liis hand for years. If the 
delegates are opposed to your nomination, he is 
opposed to your nomination. He is opposed to 
the administration after having promised for 
months to support it.' 

"We found it was absolutely necessary for 

173 



TJte Autohio^raphii of Tltomas Collier Piatt 

Robertson to be at Saratoga, as the anti-adminis- 
tration men held the key to the position in the 
State committee. On Tuesday afternoon I wrote 
the following despatch at the telegraph office on 
the floor of the U. S. Hotel: 

*' * Saratoga Springs, September 19, 18S2. 
** 'The Hon. William H. Robertson, Custom 
House, N. Y. : 
" 'It is of the utmost importance that you come 
here on the three-thirty train. State committee 
meets to-night. Answer you will come. 

** 'Commissioner.' 

"I showed the despatch after I had written it 
to John F. Smyth, and asked him if he thought 
Robertson would recognize from whom it came, 
if it were signed merely 'Commissioner.' He said 
he thought Robertson would. At the time the 
telegraph operator was absent. But he had 
posted up a notice that he would be back at 1 :30 
P.M. I said to R. A. Elmer, the Second Assistant 
Postmaster-General, who was standing at the 
same table writing a despatch: 'Well, we will 
have to leave our despatches here for the operator, 
I guess.' We found a paper weight, placed both 
despatches beneath it, and sauntered off. In a 
few minutes I came back, and finding the operator 
there, asked him if he had sent my despatch. He 
said he had received no despatch from me. Wo 
hunted about for it on the floor of the office and 

174 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

in the waste-paper basket. But we could not find 
it. Elmer's despatch we did find. I said to an 
acquaintance who was standing by: *I guess you 
have stolen my despatch.' Then I wrote another 
despatch, similar to the first, and told the operator 
that it ought to be rushed ahead of other business, 
as it was imperative that Mr. Robertson should 
get it in time to catch the 3:30 train. 

"ROBERTSON NAMED ME HIS PROXY '* 

*' Robertson did not come. We did not act, as 
we did not have a majority of the cormnittee. 
Wednesday morning I found, when I got up at 
the Grand Union, the despatch from Robertson 
appointing me his proxy. I had no doubt of its 
genuineness, because Mr. Robertson had repeat- 
edly said he would support Folger and the ad- 
ministration in the convention." 

Richard Crowley adds his testimony to that of 
French, that Robertson had promised to support 
Folger. Crowley said: "In April last I met Mr. 
Robertson in Washington. We went up to the 
White House to call on the President. I said: 
'Mr. Robertson, whom do you intend to support 
for Governor this fall?' He replied: 'Judge 
Folger.' On the day after the State committee 
meeting, early in September, I asked him the 
same question. This time he said : 'I am in favor 
of Judge Folger against any other man in the 
State of New York. ' " 

175 



The Auiohiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Whether or not the Robertson telegram was 
forged, I am satisfied that Commissioner French 
believed it to be genuine, and acted accordingly. 
The testimony of Judge Folger and Eichard 
Crowley, that Robertson had promised Folger his 
support, ought to convince the most captious that 
French sought to carry out Robertson's pledge. 

FOLGER SLAUGHTERED AT THE POLLS 

It has always been disagreeable and indeed 
painful for me to discuss the political tragedy that 
resulted in November. Judge Folger, as pure 
and talented an American citizen as ever lived, 
was sacrificed. Grover Cleveland, Democrat, was 
elected for Governor by nearly two hundred thou- 
sand plurality. The alleged forged telegram in- 
cident; the quarrel between the Stalwarts and the 
Half-breeds, and the remaining away from the 
polls of tens of thousands of Republicans, con- 
tributed toward a triumph for a comparatively 
unknown man, who was destined to become twice 
President of the United States. Had the voters 
really understood how false were the charges 
about corrupt methods in the nomination of Fol- 
ger, and had they known and appreciated the re- 
spective merits of the Republican factions, the 
political history of the State and nation would 
not have recorded many of the revolutionary 
events which marked the campaign of 1882 and 
the years that followed. Not since the formation 

176 



The Auiohiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

of the Republican party bad such a disaster be- 
fallen it. 

At no time did the party and the organization 
appear so demoralized as when Cleveland was 
inaupnirated on New Year's Day, 1883, and David 
B. Hill, afterward Governor and U. S. Senator, 
became Lieutenant-Governor. 

Undismayed by the calamity we suffered, a few 
of us St.alwarts sought to reform our lines and 
prepare for the campaign of the following fall, 
when all the State officers except Governor and 
Lieutenant-Governor were to be elected, and a new 
Assembly was to be chosen. We succeeded in 
convincing a majority of the people that they had 
been lamentably mistaken in rebuking us at the 
polls the previous year. We elected General 
Joseph B. Carr Secretary of State, and every 
other State candidate, except James W. Husted, 
who ran for State Treasurer, and secured a ma- 
jority of the new Assembly. 



177 



CHAPTER IX 

1884-1887 

Haw Arthur provoked organization revolt by re- 
fusing to undo wrongs suffered from Garfield 
— Causes for my opposing Arthur and he- 
friending Blaine in 1884 — First set-to with 
Roosevelt — Treachery and mngwumpery 
overwhelm Blaine — Arthur the Chesterfield, 
Blaine the American. 

Another National Convention confronted us in 
1884. The Half-breeds sought to block my elec- 
tion as a delegate to that convention. They in- 
vaded my home district and resorted to all the 
tricks known to the political trade to prevent my 
taking a seat at Chicago. Through the efforts of 
Colonel George W. Dunn and other tried friends 
I secured an election. Arthur, who had succeeded 
Garfield, became a candidate for the Presidential 
nomination early in the year. George F. Ed- 
munds, of Vermont, was the choice of George 
William Curtis, Theodore Roosevelt, Warner 
Miller, and other leaders, who were then fighting 
the organization of which I had been made spokes- 
man. That organization was not disposed to for- 
give Arthur for refusing to get rid of Collector 

178 




BUTHEBFORD D. HATES 



CHESTER A. ARTHUR 
179 



QBOVEB CLEVELAND 



The Autobios^raph}/ of 7'homas Collier Piatt 

TVilliam H. Robertson, whose appointment, as 
previously stated, provoked the resignations of 
Conkling and myself from the U. S. Senate. The 
orcranization Tvas wrathful at xVrthur, too, because, 
though he joined with Conkling, Postmaster- 
General James and myself in protesting against 
the breaking of the pledge at Washington in 1881, 
he did little or notliing as President to cure the 
sores from which the R-epublicans of his own 
State were smarting. 

Arthur, whose removal as Collector of the Port 
of New York had been sought by President Hayes, 
and who had joined with Conkling and myself in 
opposing that President's war upon the New York 
organization, answered our demands that he oust 
Robertson with the plea that having taken a seat 
made vacant by the death of Garfield, he was 
morally bound to continue the policy of the former 
President. Our answer was that Arthur was 
bound neither morally nor politically nor in any 
other way to follow a policy which had resulted 
in presenting the Empire State to political foes, 
and had so disrupted the party that the country 
was threatened with being at the mercy of a 
Democratic national administration for the first 
time since 1860. Arthur still persisted in declining 
to cooperate with his former faithful allies. They 
were compelled to choose between supporting 
Blaine or Edmunds, the favorites of the same fac- 
tion that defeated Conkling and myself for return 
to the Senate in 18S1. I decided to cast my for- 

180 



TJie Aulohiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

tunes with Blaine, if only to chastise those who 
had been most virulent in their assaults upon 
Conkling and myself. Just before departing for 
the Chicago convention of 1884 I called upon 
Senator Conkling. I astonished him by an- 
nouncing : 

I CAST MY LOT WITH BLAINE 

**I am going to Chicago to fight for the nomi- 
nation of James G. Blaine. What do you think 
of that?" 

Conkling was struck speechless. When he 
finally found his breath he exclaimed : 

''Well, Senator Piatt, you are about to do what 
I could not bring myself to do. You know what 
Blaine did to us." 

*'Yes, but Arthur has deserted us. Edmunds is 
the choice of the most offensive of our New York 
foes. Blaine is to be preferred to either of them. 
Anyway, our friends insist upon my supporting 
him." * 

Conkling, who was not to be a delegate to Chi- 
cago, warned me that I was committing an 
egregious blunder. But I went to Chicago, sec- 
onded the nomination of Blaine, and returned with 
at least the satisfaction of having compassed the 
defeat of Arthur and Edmunds. 



181 



The Autobiography of Tlioinas Collier Piatt 



ABTHUR, THE CHESTERFIELD 

Arthur in his personaUty was the beau-ideal of 
the American citizen. Six feet two in height, sym- 
metrically built; a head adorned with silken, wavy 
hair, always carefully combed; whiskers of the 
Bumside variety, invariably trimmed to the per- 
fection point; blue, kindly eyes, straight nose, 
ruddy cheeks — these and his polished manners 
gave him the addre-ss of a veritable Chesterfield. 

Unlike Grant, Arthur was scrupulously careful 
about his attire. He spent a fortune upon it. He 
affected the choicest tweeds for business hours. 
In the afternoon he put on a black frock coat, 
white or gray waistcoat, gray trousers, black tie, 
and shiny silk hat. For dinner he donned the 
tuxedo. He rarely went to the theater, opera or 
to a night reception, except in full evening 
habiliments. 

Dignity, whether at confabs with John J. 
O'Brien, Michael Cregan, Bernard Biglin and 
Robert McCord, on the porch of his Lexington 
Avenue residence, in the knock-down and drag-out 
caucus or convention, or at the most exclusive 
White House reception, was ever a characteristic 
of Arthur. 

Though "one of the boys" when with "the 
boys," he never lost his poise. He possessed a 
rare faculty of adapting himself to conditions, 
that made him a good "mixer." In that he was 
the antithesis of Conkling. Arthur was a diplo- 

182 



The Autohiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

mat. He would have proved a most excellent 
Secretary of State or Ambassador to the Court 
of St. James. 

Few regarded Arthur as a great President. He 
was handicapped, of course, by entering upon 
duties bequeathed him by a murdered President, 
who was ever at odds with his party in Arthur's 
own State. The mistake Arthur made was in do- 
ing nothing to rectify the wrongs the New York 
organization suffered through Garfield. 

THE ''plumed knight" VANQUISHED 

I offered my services to the State committee 
and did my utmost to induce Senator Conkling 
to take the stump for Blaine. Conkling emphatic- 
ally declined. 

The dominant organization was then under the 
control of Warner Miller, William H. Robertson, 
George William Curtis, Theodore Roosevelt and 
others, who either openly or secretly opposed 
every political project I might suggest. Never- 
theless, I assisted them in every way I could to 
secure \he electoral vote of New York to the 
^'Plumed Knight." Blaine lost New York to 
Cleveland by a plurality of about eleven hundred. 
Blaine's managers charged that his failure to 
carry New York was due to fraudulent methods 
like the counting of votes cast for Benjamin F. 
Butler, the labor candidate, for Grover Cleveland, 

183 



TJie Autohiu!j;raj)hy of TJioinas CulUer Plait 

in Long Island City. The Half-breeds charged 
the Stalwarts with knifing Blaine. The Stalwarts 
made similar charges against the Half-breods. 
The Stalwarts I could control, however, were true 
to Blaine and every other Republican candidate. 

*'RUM, ROMANISM AND REBELLION" 

That manv votes were undoubtedly driven awav 

• • • 

from Blaine by the "Rum, Romanism and Re- 
bellion" attack uttered by tlie Rev. Dr. Burchard, 
a few days before election, no one can question. 
Blaine committed a serious error in not repu- 
diating the fanatical outbreak of this injudicious 
clerg^Tnan, immediately upon his perpetration of 
it. He either did not hear it, as it was said amid 
the cheering of a delegation of Methodist min- 
isters for Mrs. Blaine, or he did not actually gage 
the resentment among those who were only too 
willing to ascribe to him intolerance of any but 
the Protestant religion. That the Cleveland man- 
agers were keen enough to seize upon and use 
the Burchardism as the final blow with which to 
defeat Blaine, was disclosed, when the Sunday 
following its delivery, Arthur Pue Gorman and 
Calvin S. Brice had every Roman Catholic church 
placarded with the three R's. Blaine was assailed 
by priests for either silently approving the in- 
sult, or delaying a minute in rebuking its author. 
Just how numerous were the votes changed, no 
one could ever correctly calculate. That enough 

184 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

deserted Blaine and went to Cleveland to give the 
latter his meager plurality in New York seems a 
reasonable conclusion. Burchard had rarely been 
heard of prior to his faux pas. He died detested 
by many and mourned by few. 

BLAINE, THE AMERICAN 

Serious as were my political differences with 
Blaine in the tempestuous days of 1881, I never 
hesitated to express my admiration for his charm- 
ing personality, and the dashing, chivalric spirit 
that caused the people to bestow upon him the 
title of ''Henry of Navarre," the "Plumed 
Knight" of American politics. I sat under him 
when he was Speaker of the House of Represen- 
tatives during the early seventies. What I liked 
about him then, as always, was his bold and per- 
sistent contention that the citizen who best loved 
his party and was loyal to it, was loyal to and 
best loved his country. He was a foe to all 
Phariseeism and cant, recognized no place for 
guerillas or mugwumps who are ever ready to 
make terms with the party that offers the great- 
est inducements, and who, on getting their price, 
plot to dominate the power and the policy of that 
party. His reply to Italy: "The United States 
has never yet permitted its policy to be dictated 
by any foreign power, and it will not begin now, ' ' 
was an exhibition of his exalted Americanism. 
He was the Clay of the House of Representatives. 

185 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 



As in the case of Clay, his words cost him the 
Presidency. But for his passage at arms with 
Conkling, wliile both were members of the lower 
house of Congress, he would have been unques- 
tionably elected President in 1884. He was the 
most ardent champion of his day of the protective 
tariff. His conception of a union in trade with 
all nations of the Western Hemisphere has re- 
sulted in the magnificent increase in commerce 
between North and South America. Blaine was 
the American Bismarck. Ere he passed to the 
beyond all our quarrels had ceased and we had 
become intimate friends. 



186 



\ 



CHAPTER X 

1887-1888 

/ get behind Morton for U. S. Senator to defeat 
Miller — Morton vote delivered solidly to His- 
cock, luJio is elected. 

After Blaine's defeat the Republican party 
seemed more disrupted for a time than in 1882. 
The Half-breeds still held control of the dominant 
organization in 1885. They nominated Ira Daven- 
port for Governor. David B. Hill defeated him, 
and the Democrats continued to rule the State. 

My friends, early in 1887, besought me to again 
become a candidate for U. S. Senator. They as- 
sured me that I could defeat Warner Miller for 
reelection. I had become so thoroughly immersed 
in business enterprises that I came to the con- 
clusion that I did not desire to return to public 
life. ^Miile retaining an active part in politics 
I preferred that some other man than myself 
should be the candidate against Miller. After a 
conference with leaders of the party who had been 
acting with me, it was determined to do all we 
could to elect Levi P. Morton. 

The late 0. G. Warren, of Erie ; John H. Camp, 
of Wayne; former Senator William B. Woodin, 

187 



^ ^ 




JAMES G. BLAINE 
188 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

of Auburn; John J. O'Brien and Sheridan Shook, 
of New York ; Louis F. Payn, of Columbia ; Ham- 
ilton Harris, of Albany, and others joined in the 
movement with alacrity. Those most active for 
Miller were the late Speaker James W. Husted, 
of Westchester; James W. Wadsworth, of Liv- 
ingston ; Henry G. Burleigh, of Washington ; Wil- 
liam H. Eobertson, former Collector of the Port 
of New York; Congressman George West, of 
Saratoga; Andrew S. Draper, now State Com- 
missioner of Education; Titus Sheard, of Herki- 
mer; and Chairman Chester S. Cole, of the Repub- 
lican State Committee. 

While we were lining up the Morton forces, 
there suddenly appeared a third candidate. He 
was Frank Hiscock, of Syracuse, then a member 
of the House of Representatives. Behind him 
were Francis Hendricks, then a State Senator, 
but afterward Superintendent of Public Works 
under Governor Roosevelt, and Superintendent of 
Insurance under Governor Higgins; and Con- 
gressman James J. Belden. 



MILLER S DESPERATE FIGHT 

There were 95 Republican members of the Leg- 
islature. Forty-eight votes were necessary to se- 
cure a nomination in the causcus. Again did the 
factions line up as Stalwarts and Half-breeds. 
A bitter struggle ensued. Adherents of Miller, 
from the beginning, sought to impress everybody 

189 



»^ ,-0 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 



answered that they were ready to make that the 
issue if it was desired. 

The caucus was called for the night of Janu- 
ary 17. Two ballots were taken. On the first, 
Miller received 44, or only 4 votes less than a ma- 
jority; Morton, 35; and Hiscock, 12. The second 
ballot showed a loss of 1 for Hiscock and a gain 
of 1 for Morton. It then became apparent that 
unless the Morton and Hiscock men combined, 
Miller stood a good chance of reelection. 

George Z. Erwin, of St. Lawrence, was in charge 
of the Morton forces on the floor. He and Hen- 
dricks, manager for Hiscock, quickly decided to 
get together and bring about an adjournment for 
a day. The Miller men strenuously fought this 
proposition. But the Morton-Hiscock combina- 
tion finally won on it by a vote of 47 to 45. This 
gave an opportunity for breaking in on the Miller 
supporters. 

Morton and Hiscock adherents worked like 
beavers all that night and the better part of the 
next day to divide the Miller contingent. It not 
only stood intact, but gained one recruit. Two 
more ballots were taken. Miller getting 45, Mor- 
ton 36, and Hiscock 11. Again did the Miller men 
contest for more ballots that day. The Morton- 
Hiscock combination remained solid, however, and 
a second adjournment was ordered, 
that a failure to reelect him would cause the Half- 
breeds to lose the slight control they then pos- 
sessed over the State organization. The Stalwarts 

190 



The Autobiography of 2'hojnas Collier Piatt 



MORTON GETS OUT FOR HISCOCK 

Still another night and day of hustling by all 
three factions followed. It became apparent to us, 
on the morning of the third day, that we could not 
nominate Morton, but we could Hiscock. That 
would be regarded as a Stalwart victory, and 
would, we believed, do much toward ending the 
domination of the Half-breeds for a long time. 

Mr. Morton called upon Mr. Hiscock. He as- 
tonished the gentleman from Syracuse by saying: 
*'If my supporters regard my wishes, and I think 
they will, they will vote for you at to-night's 
caucus. Your election would, in my judgment, 
produce less ill-feeling in the party than would 
result from the election of Miller." 

Hiscock graciously expressed his thanks. After 
further conferences between friends of the New 
York banker and the candidate from Onondaga, 
it was agreed that should neither be nominated 
before the seventh ballot, the entire Morton 
strength would be transferred to Hiscock. 

The break to Hiscock came on the seventh bal- 
lot. Rarely has such organization or loyalty been 
seen as was manifested when the thirty-six Morton 
members voted solidly for a candidate who had 
been able to muster at the most only twelve votes. 
Morton was withdrawn from the contest by Mr. 
Erwin in a speech in which he paid this tribute 
to the man who afterward became Vice-President 
and Governor of New York : 

191 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

HISCOCK VICTOR 

''Mr. Morton's friends are numerically stronger 
than Mr. Hiscock's. But Mr. Morton's influence 
appears to be greater. His responsibilities, there- 
fore, are greater, and his duty more clearly de- 
fined. Recognizing this, he desires to give another 
evidence of his personal disinterestedness and 
generosity for the benefit of his party by an action 
tending to a union of all elements." 

Speaker Husted, white with rage and distress, 
protested and called upon the Miller men to stick 
to their candidate to the finish. It was of no use. 
Every Morton member joined the Hiscock com- 
pany. This gave Hiscock 47 and Miller 46 votes. 
Amid excitement wliicli was intense and ominous 
for the Half-breeds, Assemblyman Frost, of 
Chautauqua, climbed on the Hiscock wagon. That 
settled it. Hiscock was then declared victor. 

Thus was another nail driven into the bier of 
the Half-breeds, Thus was Warner Miller re- 
tired to private life, never to return to a position 
of great political prominence again. 



192 



CHAPTER XI 

1888 

Governor Hill removes me from office — He objects 
to my laundry ivork done in Oicego — The trial 
a puppet show — Farcical ignorance of the 
jury — My attacks on the system ultimately 
produce corrective legislation. 

David B. Hill was once sketched as a "Peanut 
Governor." He did some surprisingly petty 
things while he was running the Democratic ma- 
chine. Many times he resorted to the most trivial 
excuses for displacing an official, merely because 
he happened to be a Republican. After Hill had 
succeeded Cleveland in 1885, he adopted the policy 
of "None but Democrats on Guard." 

So far as possible he cleared out every Repub- 
lican in office, and put a henchman of his own 
political persuasion in his place. How I hap- 
pened to escape his axe for nearly three years, I 
never have been able to comprehend. 

But in 1888, word reached me from the State 
Executive Chamber that my resignation as Quar- 
antine Commissioner would be gladly accepted. 
I refused to comply. I was informed that if I 
did not quit, I would be removed. I challenged 

193 



TJie Autohiography of Thomas Collier Plait 

Hill to behead me. He waited a while. Then I 
was notified that my right to longer hold my place 
would be contested in court, on the ground that 
I was not a resident of the city of New York. My 
reply was that for years I had resided at the Fifth 
Avenue Hotel. 

Hill suddenly haled me into court. He pro- 
duced the startling evidence that I had my laun- 
dry work done in Owego. That was the diabolical 
crime that was declared to unfit me to perform 
my official duties. 

I pleaded guilty to having sent some collars, 
cuffs and shirts occasionally to my birthplace to 
be cleansed. And upon this confession I was or- 
dered to surrender my office to a Hill Democrat. 

The trial was denounced as a farce by the news- 
papers of the day. Grover Cleveland was Presi- 
dent. The intelligence of the jury and its affec- 
tion for the Democratic State boss were disclosed, 
when its members were asked who reallv was 
President of the United States. **0h, that's easy. 
Dave Hill, of course," answered a number of 
them. 

hill's man, mayhem, my ''judge" 

Supreme Court Justice S. L. Mayhem, of 
Schoharie, a devoted friend of Governor Hill, pre- 
sided at the "trial." I regarded him then, as I 
have ever since regarded him, unfit to occupy the 
high judicial station to which he had been elevated. 
I never hesitated to say so. When I was assailed 

'l94 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

by him in a personal letter, a year after I had been 
removed, I did not mince words in my reply. 

Under date of December 4, 1889, Judge May- 
hem addressed me the following abusive missive: 

Schoharie, N. Y., December 4, 1889. 
To Hon. Thomas C. Platt. 

Dear Sir: About the 19th of January, 1889, 
you dictated to Mr. North, the acting political 
editor of the Albany Express, an article which 
was on that day published in that paper, a most 
malicious, uni^rovoked and false libellous attack 
upon me as an individual and judge ; in which you, 
in the most unmistakable and unequivocal terms, 
charge me as a judge, with collusion with the Gov- 
ernor, for the purpose of accomplishing by extra- 
judicial methods, things which are forbidden in 
the regular course of law; and you, among other 
libellous charges, add: ''Such a thing could not 
have happened under any other Governor than 
David B. Hill, and we are fain to believe that it 
could not have happened before any other 
Supreme Court Justice in this State, than Justice 
Mavhem. ' ' 

As the author of this libel, you, of course, are 
familiar with it, and the repetition of it here is 
therefore unnecessary. 

I have waited with great coniSdence for a vin- 
dication of my judicial action in that trial, by the 
Appellant Courts, which has at last been prom- 
ulgated by the unanimous decision of the Court 

195 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

of Appeals. But my private and judicial char- 
acter remains unvindicated. That can only be 
done by a full and complete retraction of the libel 
by its authors, or by the verdict of a jury in a 
civil or criminal proceeding in the courts, to which 
a citizen may, as a poor but last resort, appeal for 
vindication. 

The lapse of time since the publication of the 
libel had so healed the wound inflicted on my self- 
respect and pride of character, that I would prob- 
ably have passed the matter by, but for a fresh 
assault made upon me in the New York Press of 
the 27th ult. That paper, owned largely by you, 
in an article doubtless inspired by you, smart- 
ing under the effect of the recent decision by the 
Court of Appeals, again refers to the trial before 
me, and characterizes me as a judge, not long be- 
fore the trial, lifted from the obscurity of the 
Schoharie County bar to the Supreme Court, by 
Governor Hill. 

At the time of this trial, you must have known 
that I did not hold the position of Supreme Court 
Judge by the commission of Governor Hill, but by 
the vote of legal voters (voting where they re- 
sided) of the Third Judicial District of the State 
of New York, a position to which I was unani- 
mously nominated, at a judicial convention, com- 
posed of some of the best men of that district, 
whose acts were open and notorious, in the day- 
time, which could be attested by a multitude of 
witnesses, who were not compelled to use step- 

196 



The Autobiography of Thomm Collier Piatt 

ladders to look through a transom by gas-light to 
witness what occurred or how it was done. 

I was in no way instrumental in having your 
case brought before me, but found the case on the 
calendar of the regular circuit, to which I was 
by law and the rules of the court assigned, and 
tried it the same as I would have tried any other 
case between any other jmrties. I recognized no 
l^olitics in the case, except such as was in my judg- 
ment improperly sought to be forced into it by 
one of your own counsel. 

The object of this letter is to give you fair and 
reasonable notice that unless proper and suitable 
retraction is made by you, in as public a manner 
as the libel was published, I shall seek my vindi- 
cation before a jury of that county in which you 
are pleased to say that I was an obscure member 

of the bar. 

Truly yours, 

S. L. Mayhem, 

Schoharie, N. T. 
Thomas C. Platt, New York City. 

HIS UNFITNESS FOR HIS JOB 

This was my reply: 

United States Express Company, Office of the 
President, 49 Broadway, New York. 

December 7, 1889. 
Hon. S. L. Mayhem, Schoharie, N. Y. 

Dear Sir : I am in receipt of your letter of the 

197 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

4tli inst. I have no retraction to make, either pub- 
licly or privately, of any statement I ever uttered 
with reference to your relations as a Supreme 
Court Justice to the suit instigated by Governor 
Hill to oust me from the office of Quarantine Com- 
missioner. I deny, however, that I dictated to 
Mr. North, or any other man connected with the 
Albany Express, the editorial article of January 
19, 1889, to which you refer, or that I even sug- 
gested that it be written. I never saw it nor heard 
of it until it appeared in print, and was not in 
any way directly or indirectly responsible for its 
appearance. 

I was not aware, until the receipt of your letter, 
of the alleged ''fresh assault made upon you in 
the New York Press of the 27th ult.," to which 
you refer, and have no knowledge whatever of the 
paternity of the article, I own no stock or in- 
terest whatever in said newspaper, and never have 
owned any. 

Allow me to add, in conclusion, that the gra- 
tuitous personal insult conveyed in your communi- 
cation convinces me, if nothing else had, that you 
are unfit for the exalted position you occupy. 

Yours truly, 

T. C. Platt. 

OUR DISGRACEFUL JURY SYSTEM! 

If I am not mistaken, Judge Mayhem did not 
continue on the bench longer than the term he 

198 



The Autohiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

was tlien serving. That indicated what the peo- 
ple thought of him. If I helped to dethrone him, 
I am thankful. My experience with the Hill jury 
reminds me that I once wrote a number of at- 
tacks on the wretched jury system that disgraced 
the State in 1869, and later. These, together with 
aroused public sentiment, helped to secure amend- 
ments to the laws by Kepublican Legislatures in 
the early nineties, which eventually brought about 
a correction of abuses. One of my onslaughts 
follows : 

Hamlet, in his soliloquy, favors the public with 
a general inventory of "bare bodkin" stimulators 
and suicide-promoters, and makes "the law's de- 
lay" one of the prolific sources of mortal misery, 
despair and destruction. In those dark ages, jus- 
tice was universally regarded not only as blind, 
but deaf, dmnb and rheumatic; and it is painfully 
apparent that the Royal Dane had endured bitter 
personal experiences of old English Chancery 
practice. It is more than possible that, at the 
very moment he gave utterance to that memorable 
lamentation of 

"To be or not to be," 

if he had been surprised with the announcement 
of a favorable verdict in his favorite lawsuit, a 
complete refonnation might have been effected 
in his character and conduct and Shakspeare's 

199 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

occupation would have gone. At any rate, it is 
safe to presume that the text of that melancholy 
soliloquy would have been slightly amended if 
the **Bard of Avon" had survived until the pres- 
ent greenback era; these times so pregnant with 
half-witted magistrates, short summonses, sum- 
mary proceedings, compromise verdicts, Cole- 
Hiscock forces, political judges, citizen mills and 
injunction factories. The truth is, it is not the 
law's delay, but the law's doubt, which nowadays 
makes the pursuit of justice so aggravating and 
brings the tortured client to the serious contem- 
plation of Hamlet's question and conclusion. 

JURY ''bAMBOOZLERS," ** HEROES " 

In the days of the Eoyal Dane, the brave liti- 
gant knew that a propitious verdict was only a 
rare question of time; in the days of the live 
Yankee a satisfactory solution of a lawsuit is 
supposed to be a simple matter of good luck and 
sharp legal "log-rolling." A modern novice go- 
ing to law to secure his rights is as proper a sub- 
ject for compassion as a greenhorn taking to Wall 
Street to get rich. Nothing but a special guar- 
dianship exercised by some shrewd operator at 
the bar or "the board" will save either from ruin 
or suicide. The hero of the period is he who 
can most successfully bamboozle a jury or "cor- 
ner the street." The fact has become notorious, 
that with mixed American juries, personal preju- 

200 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

dices, political spites and all manner of motives, 
except **the law and the evidence," control con- 
clusions and regulate verdicts. 

Speaking of compromise verdicts calls to mind 
a case in point, which occurred within a judicial 
district which boasts of the intelligence of its 
panels, and within a county where lawyers lament 
over the brevity of the circuit calendars. At a 
regular term of the March circuit, a certain cause 
was called in its order, being an action on a con- 
tract. The plaintiff demanded damages in the 
sum of thirteen hundred dollars. The evidence, 
although voluminous, was not conflicting, except 
upon immaterial points. The charge of his Honor, 

Judge B , was void of ambiguity and pointing 

in one direction. All agreed that it was a clear 
case for the plaintiff. The jury retired late in 
the afternoon and, to the utter astonishment of all 
concerned, remained out all night long. The next 
morning, at the opening of the session, they came 
into court, hungry, sleepy and sulky, and deliv- 
ered a verdict for the full amount demanded and 
expected. 

A revelation of the secret history of their pro- 
longed deliberation disclosed the source of the 
trouble in the person of one independent reasoner 
and peculiar inteiiDreter of testimony, with strong 
personal i3rejudices against the plaintiff, and 
pecuniary obligations to the defendant, who ex- 
hausted all of those hours and his resources of 
argument to bring over the stubborn eleven to a 

201 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Flatt 

conclusion of no cause of action. At last the 
obstinate juror succumbed, and consented to a 
plan of compromise upon the basis of each indi- 
cating by ballot his estimate of the damage to be 
awarded, and the average be made the measure 
of the verdict. The canvass of that vote revealed 
ten ballots for the plaintiff's full clauu, one for 
"no cause," and one for precisely double the de- 
manded damage. One provident twelfth of that 
curious dozen proved equal to the emergency and 
brought up the average to its just proportion. 

"glorious uncertainty" of laws 

Another remarkable illustration of the glorious 
uncertainty of the law was developed in one of 
those great American contests, called horse-suits, 
which came on for trial last summer in a justice's 
court, not a hundred miles distant from the legal 
hub of Tioga County. It was a jury trial, and 
the promiscuous dozen were collected by the 
usual scouring process. In that number was in- 
cluded a surly, stubborn, stolid, self-willed Dutch- 
man, a good butcher and a bitter hater. The trial 
proceeded with the spirit and dignity appertain- 
ing to such tribunals, but the plaintiff managed 
to make his case so strong that an unprejudiced 
observer could have seen no real cause for con- 
tention or delay in settling verdict. Yet, when 
the jury retired for deliberation, it was found they 
were a unit, with the exception of a pugnacious 

202 



TJte Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

gentleman from Germany, who demanded a ver- 
dict for the defendant. The united batteries were 
brought to bear upon the heavy Dutch citadel, 
with Quaker guns of suasion and solid shot of 
argument, but the fleshly fortress firmly and 
silently resisted every attack. Finally, after ex- 
hausting all their resources, the irate five insisted 
upon a disclosure of the reasons for his convic- 
tions and intimated that they would continue in 
session until he would make up his mind to give 
the plaintiff judgment. This threat stirred up 
the Dutch ''dander," and arising in his majesty 
and shaking his brawny fist, the conscientious 
juryman thusly delivered himself: ''I dells you, 
py shinks, der pishmires shall dake me troo der 
keyhole, pefore I give ter tam rascal zhooghment. 
Somedimes, two years ago, he sheet me on some 
sheeps." 

This confession of faith abruptly terminated 
the case without agreement. 

About So So. 



203 




BENJAMIN HARRISON 
304 



CHAPTER XII 

1888-1891 

/ head the delegation to the National Convention 
aJid help nominate Harrison — Carry New 
York for him — Am denied the promised 
Secretaryship of the Treasury — Decline the 
Spanish rnission — Nominate Fassett for Gov- 
ernor — Flower's election — Renewed demands 
for my head — Address to young men. 

It was in 1888 that the Stalwarts obtained su- 
preme and undisputed control of the New York 
State organization for the first time in a number 
of years. We went to the Chicago convention un- 
pledged to any candidate for President. My per- 
sonal preference was the late Russell A. Alger, 
of Michigan. Chauncey M. Depew gave the New 
York delegation a little dinner. Before it was 
over, the delegation was first pledged to him, and 
then to Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana. Chaun- 
cey called it a "harmony dinner" before Harrison 
was nominated. I guess Chauncey thought we 
were jollying him and Colonel Elliot F. Shepard, 
who managed his campaign, when we suddenly 
broke away and cast almost the entire vote of the 
delegation for the Hoosier. Levi P. Morton, of 

205 



The Autahhgraphi) of TJwmas Collier Piatt 

New York, was named for Vice-President. He 
was in high favor in the East, and contributed 
much to tlie triumph that followed. 

Immediately after the nomination of Harrison, 
friends suggested to him that I be given the Sec- 
retaryship of the Treasury in case he was elected. 
Indeed, a promise of this portfolio, which I and 
members of the National Committee regarded as 
binding, was made. That promise was either 
forgotten or ignored. Anyway, it never was 
fulfilled. 

MY AMBITION TO BE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 

I am frank to admit that one of the most poign- 
ant disappointments of my life was my failure 
to become at some time Secretary of the Treasury. 
It was a portfolio for which I believed myself to 
be better equipped than for any other. I had 
from my college days made an assiduous study of 
financial questions. As president of express, rail- 
road, coal and iron, and other corporations, I 
had learned a great deal about how to manage 
fiscal affairs. Indeed, I had for many years been 
very ambitious to conduct the Government 
finances. When I received what my friends and 
myself accepted as a positive pledge from Presi- 
dent Harrison that he would gratify my aspira- 
tion, I felt that I had nothing more in the world to 
seek. But when, notwithstanding a letter in Presi- 
dent Harrison's own handwriting promising the 

206 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

appointment, I was suddenly informed that Will- 
iam Windom, of Minnesota, had been selected, I 
felt that there was little use of pinning my faith 
upon anybody, or training myself for high of- 
fice. To some it would have been a bit of solace 
that no other New Yorker was made Secretary 
of the Treasury. I had something to do with pre- 
venting the selection of one man who had set his 
heart on the same office; that was Warner Miller. 

WHY MILLER DID NOT GET IT 

Soon after election, I was notified that the Union 
League Club of New York City was to meet and 
indorse Warner Miller for Secretary of the 
Treasury. Miller had just retired from the U. S. 
Senate, and had the previous year defeated him- 
self for Governor by making what I regarded as 
a very injudicious speech on the liquor question. 
I was not a member of the Union League Club. 
I was not known to possess many friends there. 
The few I had, however, got together. Though Jo- 
seph H. Choate, afterward Ambassador to Great 
Britain, had in his pocket a resolution indorsing 
Miller for the Secretaryship of the Treasury, it 
was never offered. Choate, never known to bother 
much about the details of politics, arrived at the 
meeting late. Some one whispered to him that a 
canvass of the members showed a majority against 
Miller, and that it would be ridiculous to submit 
a resolution unless its adoption could be assured. 
Choate quit. 

207 



Tlie Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 



Miller was never indorsed by the Union League 
Club, nor was he made Secretary of the Treasury. 
William Windom, of Minnesota, took the place, 
and President Harrison finally penuitted me to 
name General Benjamin F. Tracy, from my own 
county, as Secretary of the Navy. 

In July, 1890, Mr. Blaine, Secretary of State, 
apparently deploring the differences between 
President Harrison and my friends, sought to 
act as a mediator. He urged the President to try 
and square matters by offering me a foreign mis- 
sion. Harrison, thinking he might heal the wound 
caused by his refusal to make me a member of his 
Cabinet, autliorized Secretary Blaine to offer me 
the Spanish mission. Secretary Blaine wrote this 
letter, which never before was published: 

OFFERED SPANISH MISSION 

Department of State, Washington, D. C. 

June 28, 1890. 
My Deae Mr. Platt: 

By the President's direction, and with great 
personal pleasure myself, I tender to you the mis- 
sion to Spain, made vacant by the resignation of 
Hon. T. W. Palmer, of Michigan. 

Hoping that your convenience and your desires 
will combine to persuade you to accept the posi- 
tion, I am, 

Your friend, sinc-erely, 

James G. Blainb. 
208 



The AutohiograpJnj of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Inclined to suspect that Harrison was trying 
to get me out of the country, T held the Blaine 
letter until July 5th, when I declined the portfolio 
offered, in this letter : 

New York, July 5, 1890. 
My Dear Mr. Blaine : 

I am in receipt of your esteemed favor of the 
28th ult., conveying to me the President's instruc- 
tions and your compliments, tendering the mission 
to Spain made vacant by the resignation of Gov- 
ernor Palmer, of Michigan. 

While properly esteeming the honor conferred, 
and duly appreciating this evidence of the Presi- 
dent's confidence and your personal regard, I feel 
constrained to return my declination of the posi- 
tion. Numerous business engagements and obli- 
gations preclude the possibility of my accepting 
the responsibility of office of any name or nature, 
local or Federal, however honorable and alluring 
it may be. I shall be content to continue to serve 
in the ranks, asking no other reward than the 
proud consciousness of possessing the confidence 
and esteem of those true Republicans, who, like 
yourself, have made the ''Grand Old Party" 
immortal. 

Yours faithfully, 

T. C. Platt. 

Harrison later recognized the organization, of 
which I had now become everywhere the acknowl- 

209 



The Autobios^raphi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

edged leader, by appointing J. Sloat Fassett Col- 
lector of the Port of New York. Fassett's ap- 
pointment was about the only other important one 
made by Harrison for the State organization, 
though Cornelius Van Cott, named for Postmaster 
of New York, was classed as an organization man. 



HAERISON IGNORES THOSE WHO ELECTED HIM 

Because of President Harrison's refusal to com- 
ply with what were deemed reasonable requests 
of my associates and myself, as well as members 
of the rank and file of the machine, a good deal 
of discontent was soon exhibited. The Hill Demo- 
cratic machine absolutely dictated State patron- 
age. And yet a Republican President, who but 
for the devoted exertions of the regular party or- 
ganization of New York, it was maintained, would 
have been forced to abandon his White House 
chair to Grover Cleveland, either forgot or ig- 
nored the men most responsible for his victory. 
We were quite as resentful when Harrison turned 
a frigid, contemptuous shoulder to Chairman 
Matthew S. Quay, of the National Committee. 

But for Quay's masterful conduct of the cam- 
paign in New York State, where he stopped tens 
of thousands of fraudulent votes, Harrison never 
would have been President. The skill of the 
Pennsylvania manager must be apparent, when 
the returns showed a fourteen thousand plurality 

210 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

for Harrison over Cleveland, while Hill defeated 
Miller for Governor by about eighteen thousand. 

QUAY GREATEST POLITICAL GENIUS 

Matthew S. Quay was, in my judgment, the 
ablest politician this countiy ever produced. He 
could and did win the greatest and hardest bat- 
tles with or without money. He was always a 
conser\'ative in the protection of business inter- 
ests, and invariably maintained the Pennsylvania 
view in that respect. He believed that business 
men had a right to profit, and therefore could al- 
ways command money in any amount when he 
desired it. When, on the other hand, he discov- 
ered that the money of special interests in special 
campaigns had been raised against him, he was 
accustomed, as he put it, to "raise the fiery cross" 
and go to the people direct. 

He exhibited consummate skill in calculating 
political quantities. The secret of his success in 
politics was in finding out how many voters he 
had with him, and if he did not have enough, find 
where he could get them; and then he got them. 
He knew that success depended, many times, on 
the smallest fraction, and he was constantly after 
that fraction. That was shown by him in 1888 
when, as chairman of the National Committee, 
he carried New York State for Harrison by about 
fourteen thousand plurality. 

Quay was small in stature, had sharp, almond- 

211 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

like eyes, was exceedingly reticent to those who 
did not know him intimately, but most charming 
and approachable to his confidants. Instead of 
being, as he was popularly supposed, a plebeian, 
without education or literary acquaintance, he 
was very fond of the best books and the standard 
authors and literature, and was a great student 
of science. He possessed one of the finest libraries 
in the countiy. 

Quay was one of the best informed men on 
heraldry in America. He once dumbfounded uni- 
versity presidents and other cultured guests, at a 
dinner given by Charlemagne Tower, by proving 
that they were all wrong as to the origin of a 
certain family and coat-of-arms. 

Quay once personally told Roosevelt that he 
(Roosevelt) was responsible for his reelection to 
the United States Senate in the later nineties. 
When Roosevelt expressed surprise, Quay laughed 
and answered: "Why, when John Wauamaker 
and others were trying to defeat me, I declared 
for you for Vice-President. Then the anti-Quay 
movement collapsed." 

REED, THE PARLIAMENTARY CZAR 

In having our recommendations for office turned 
down by President Harrison, I had the company, 
not only of Quay, but Speaker Thomas B. Reed. 

Speaker Reed, than whom no man ever up to 
his day ran the lower branch of Congress with 

010 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

such an imperial sway, broke with Harrison the 
moment he learned that the President had re- 
fused to consider his recommendation for the Col- 
lectorship of the Port of Portland, Me., his own 
home, but had appointed a son of Neal Dow, Pro- 
hibitionist agitator, because Secretary of State 
Blaine and Senator William P. Frye urged it. 
Eeed denounced this as a gratuitous insult to the 
third greatest officer in the United States. 

He fulminated against Harrison in profane lan- 
guage, in which he was as original and adept as 
any one I ever have known, declined ever after to 
enter the White House, and refused to even meet 
Harrison, I am informed, until the day of his 
death. 

Eeed, in his personal appearance, little betok- 
ened the intellectual giant and man of iron he 
was. But while he was a veritable Goliath in 
stature, his bouncing body, topped by a small 
head, reminded one of an inflated balloon with a 
peg for a summit. His usual twang>', drawling 
manner of speech caused one who knew him not 
to mistake him for an Aroostook farmer, possessed 
of an education such as the old Maine colleges 
used to afford. He was proud, unforgiving— re- 
lentless in his warfare upon those with whom he 
disputed. He lost many a friend by consider- 
ing as a personal affront, to be punished by the 
quickest and even brutal method, any act 
offensive to him. He was constantly measuring 

swords with Blaine, Frye and Hale, of his home 

010 



The Autobiographi) of Thomas Collier Piatt 

State of Maine; was frequently at loggerheads 
with Harrison, McKinley and Joseph H. Manley, 
his closest friend, and seemed never to cultivate, 
even if he knew, diplomacy. 

HOW REED LOST THE PRESIDENCY 

His domineering, revengeful characteristics lost 
him the only chance he ever had for being named 
for the Presidency. He was in 1896 the choice of 
a number of New England States, and, after Mor- 
ton, was the preference of New York. But he had 
unwittingly, perhaps, antagonized so many States 
that when Manley, his manager, reached the St. 
Louis convention, he was satisfied that his nomi- 
nation was an impossibility. When Manley sur- 
rendered to Hanna and McKinley, and withdrew 
Eeed, the Speaker, who had set his heart on head- 
ing the ticket, caused the sparks to fly off tele- 
graph wires in registering his rebukes. Sam 
Fassenden, of Connecticut, was so infuriated over 
Mauley's capitulation, that he dressed him down 
with: 'Moe, God hates a quitter." 

Reed hardly condoned Mauley's desertion until 
his dying day. 

It was as Speaker of the House of Representa- 
tives, however, that Reed shone brilliant, belliger- 
ent, forceful and Draconic. His adversaries 
called him Autocrat, Czar, Tyrant. He merely 
maintained that the will of the majority was law; 
that members of a filibustering minority could 

2U 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

not be present and absent simultaneously; that 
Congress was a business, not merely a deliberative 
body. He was a past-master in directing legisla- 
tion, as adroit a parliamentarian as I ever knew, 
and as presiding officer of the fifty-first House, 
achieved a reputation that for fearlessness, devo- 
tion to country and party was well-nigh matchless. 

HARRISON, THE QUARRELSOME 

Harrison not only became embroiled with Quay, 
Reed and others, but also William McKinley, aft- 
erward President, but then floor leader of the 
House. Harrison quarreled with him over tariff, 
Federal elections, ship subsidy, and other legisla- 
tion, and before a year of his administration had 
passed, appeared on good terms with few leaders 
of his party, except James G. Blaine, his Secre- 
tary of State, and ''Uncle Jerry" Rusk, his rol- 
licking Secretary of Agriculture. 

Harrison soon became known as the "White 
House Iceberg." His real initial local blow at 
the New York organization was the appointment 
of Colonel Joel B. Erhardt as Collector of the 
Port. He made this at the behest of the Union 
League Club, foe of the Republican machine from 
the day I became its head. Erhardt proved unac- 
ceptable, and in 1891 was removed. I recom- 
mended J. Sloat Fassett for his successor. Fas- 
sett had made an excellent record as leader of the 
State Senate. Harrison, alarmed over threats to 

215 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

defeat him for a renomination, finally appointed 
Fassett Collector of the Port. But it became nec- 
essary for Fassett to resign in 1891, -within a few 
months of his appointment, because of his nomi- 
nation for the Governorship. 

FASSETT 'S NOMINATION A MISTAKE 

Fond as I was personally of Fassett, I strongly 
advised at first against his running for Governor 
and sought to induce Andrew D. White, late presi- 
dent of Cornell University and afterward Am- 
bassador to Germany, to head the ticket. AMiite 
was willing to stand. But Fassett had for years 
sought the honor, and the young Bepublicans were 
almost solidly behind him. 

Skeptical of the result of the Gubernatorial con- 
test, but relying on a promise that an organization 
man would be named for Collector in Fassett's 
place, we nominated Fassett for Governor. Fas- 
sett made an aggressive and brilliant campaign. 
He was defeated. Fassett charged that a huge 
Democratic campaign fund, estimated at from a 
quarter to half a million dollars, proved his undo- 
ing. Anj^way, Roswell F. Flower beat him by 
about 47,000 plurality. 

The moment the returns came in, the old Half- 
breeds renewed their demands for my head. They 
went to Washington and insisted to the President 
that he must go even further than he already had 
toward depriving me of the leadership of an or- 

216 



The Autohiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

ganization which had stuck to me, though all but 
naked and starving. Harrison responded by dol- 
ing out patronage to my bitterest enemies and 
lopping off the heads of such of my friends in the 
Federal service as had been fortunate enough to 
get places under it. The late James J. Belden, 
then a member of Congress, voiced his protest 
against the continuance of our regime when he 
protested to the President: '^TNHiat we want in 
the New York leadership is young blood. Piatt 
is too old." 

To this Sloat Fassett retorted: 

"Well, Belden ought to know. Judging from 
the plurality for Flower in Belden 's home district, 
he got some of my young blood, all right." 

Warner Miller, still smarting because I had 
prevented his entering the Harrison Cabinet, and 
also because I supported Frank Hiscock against 
him for the Senate in 1887, was a frequent com- 
plainant against me at the White House. So were 
Cornelius N. Bliss, afterward Secretary of the 
Interior in the McKinley Cabinet, and other mem- 
bers of the Union League Club. 

Mischief-makers went to the White House and 
told the President that I had not only been most 
malevolent in my opposition to his nomination, 
but had secretly sought to secure his defeat at the 
polls. They insisted that the only salvation of the 
party in New York, and the only chance he would 
have of insuring himself of a friendly delegation 
in 1892, was to supplant me. 

217 



TJie Autobiography of Tltomas Collier Piatt 



CLARKSON ANSWERS THE FALSEHOODS 

Let General Clarkson, then First Assistant 
Postmaster-General under Harrison, answer these 
lies. There is before me this testimony from 
him: 

"In 1888, it was the New York delegation that, 
choosing in the final decision between Allison and 
Harrison, nominated Harrison; and it was Piatt 
that took the New York delegation to this choice. 
In the campaign following, it was Piatt who, in 
support of Quay and his National Committee, 
saved the election of Mr. Harrison by saving to 
him the State of New York, and by causing it to 
vote against a son of its own, already in the Presi- 
dential chair, and backed for reelection by many 
of the largest financial and business interests in 
the metropolis. It was his genius and Quay's that 
saved to Harrison the Presidency. If either of 
them had failed to do what he did, Harrison could 
not and would not have been elected. 

"It remains unsolved, or at least unproved, 
whether General Harrison did tender to Mr. Piatt 
the Secretaryship of the Treasury. From a letter 
in Mr. Harrison's handwriting he had every rea- 
son for believing that the pledge had been made. 
The officers of the National Committee, who saw 
the letter, believed as much as he that it was a 
pledge and a sincere one. The truth may have 
been perjured by an intermediary; nothing else 
could have made the letter else than a pledge of a 

218 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Cabinet seat. Yet Mr. Piatt accepted with grace 
this disappointment as to the place he has proba- 
bly coveted more than any other position, and 
which he had the peculiar abilities to fill. 

BLAINE STRONG; HARRISON WEAK 

"He supported Harrison's administration, and 
it was no reason that was personal that led him 
to oppose Harrison's nomination in 1892. He 
knew, as did all the better posted men in the 
party, that Blaine, who could keep in line hun- 
dreds and thousands of low tariff Republicans, 
who would not vote for Harrison, or for any can- 
didate doubtful on Reciprocity, and would bring 
to the polls hundreds of thousands of other Re- 
publicans who had been alienated and chilled by 
Harrison's low temperature of action toward the 
party workers, offered the only chance for Repub- 
lican success in that year. 

"If Ohio had voted with the Blaine men, on 
the Alabama contest, Blaine could and would have 
been nominated, or McKinley might have been. 
McKinley was a candidate, too, active but recep- 
tive — despite all former impressions and all later 
statements. And Mr. Hanna was his leader." 

Remember that the gentleman quoted had been 
vice-chairman and chairman of the Republican 
National Committee and ser\'ed as First Assistant 
Postmaster-General under the Harrison admin- 
istration. 

219 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Plait 

Perhaps it was Belden's insistence to the Presi- 
dent: "What we need is young blood," that in- 
spired me to issue an address about this time, urg- 
ing young men to get into politics. The promul- 
gation of this address was followed by the flock- 
ing of thousands of brainy, hustling, devoted 
young Eepublicans into the organization. 
Through them I was enabled to confound those 
who were crying for my head. 

Extracts from that address are, I believe, as 
pertinent and practicable to-day as they were in 
the days of Harrison. Here are some of them : 

ADVICE TO YOUNG MEN 

''Every young man should take an interest in 
politics. He should make a study of economic 
questions and familiarize himself with the prin- 
ciples that underlie the two great political parties. 
It is a duty he owes to himself and to his country. 
Under our Eepublican form of government, the 
officeholders are merely the servants of the peo- 
ple. But if the people neglect their duty, what can 
we expect from their servants'? Does it not follow 
that a failure on the part of the suffering people 
to guard their interests will result in deteriorating 
the service? No successful business man would 
think of intrusting his business entirely to his 
employees. The moment he adopted such a policy, 
he would cease to be a success. 

"The ordinary princii)les of business should be 

220 



The Autohiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

applied to politics. All the evils growing out of 
our political system can be traced to a failure 
on the part of the people to do their duty. There 
would have been no Tweed ring but for the crim- 
inal carelessness, indifference and neglect of the 
intelligent voters. To the same indifference we 
are indebted for the present domination of Tam- 
many in this city. 

''New York City contains a large mass of ma- 
chine voters — men who have neither the inde- 
pendence nor the inclination to favor a clean, 
honest government. They follow the Tammany 
organization blindly, whither it listeth, and never 
ask any questions. Past experience has shown, 
however, that a large percentage of the conserva- 
tive people do not interest themselves in the prac- 
tical business of politics as they ought. Perhaps 
the very men who complain the loudest against 
the domination of Tammany and corruption in 
high places do not exercise the elective franchise 
more than half the time, and rarely, if ever, at- 
tend a primary. Take, for instance, the example 
of the Twenty-first Assembly District, wliich is in 
some respects the representative Eepublican dis- 
trict of this city. Out of the 3,000 or 4,000 Repub- 
lican voters who are registered in that district, 
not more than 1,200 have taken the trouble to 
identify themselves with the Eepublican organ- 
ization. In other words, the work of selecting 
party leaders and nominating candidates is left 
to a very small minoritv of the party. I have no 

221 



The Autobiograph?/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

patience with the stay-at-homes, who rail at the 
selection of unfit men, but do nothing to remedy 
the evils. 

"The importance of a yoimg man commencing 
early to take an active part in politics is obvious. 
Men are largely creatures of habit. Let the habit 
be once formed, of ignoring their political duty, 
and the chances are that it will stick to them 
through life; but if, on the other hand, they start 
right, by identifying themselves with some po- 
litical organization, they will become good and 
useful citizens. 

''My advice to all young men is to take up the 
duty of politics as early as possible and familiar- 
ize 3^ourself with all public questions. Do not stop 
there. Make up your minds to which party your 
conviction leads you, and then do all you can to 
strengthen the hands of that organization. I 
should not advise any man to join with the Demo- 
cratic or Republican parties simply because he 
has been reared in that particular faith. Let him 
decide the question of his political manhood for 
himself. Traditions are all very well, but every 
man is surer of himself who makes his own in- 
dependent investigation and fonus his own 
opinions. 

''Naturally, as a Republican from conviction, I 
believe that a careful study of the political con- 
ditions of the day by an intelligent man will lead 
him directly into the ranks of tlie Republican 

party; but I recognize the right of intelligent men 

ooo 



The Autohioi^raphy of TJiomas Collier Piatt 

to honestly differ on political as well as other 
questions. 

**If a law could be passed, compelling every 
one to give a part of his time to the consideration 
of political matters, or at least to exercise his 
privilege of franchise, we should have a better and 
more efficient government of our local affairs, as 
well as in the State or nation. 

"The young men are the main reliance of the 
country. Upon their shoulders rests the respon- 
sibility for the maintenance of our Republican 
form of government. About the strongest argu- 
ment that can be advanced in a candidate's favor 
before a political convention is that he is popular 
with the young men. Just why this is so is not 
difficult of solution. The young men are more 
active and enthusiastic than the old stagers. The 
saying, 'Young men for action; old men for coun- 
sel,' is true in politics; but no party can hope to 
succeed in the future without the support of the 
young men. 

''The young men (and when I say young, I do 
not mean necessarily a youth just emerging from 
his teens, but men in the prime of life) will con- 
tinue to occupy a prominent place in our politics. 
The tendency will be to increase their importance, 
rather than diminish it. This element will proba- 
bly decide the next Presidential contest. During 
the last few years there has been a gratifying in- 
dication that the young men of the country are be- 
ginning to appreciate their political responsibili- 

223 



2' he Autobiographi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

ties and importance more keenly. The formation 
of young men's clubs, in both parties, all over the 
country, is a very healthy sign. These clubs 
should be increased in number and their member- 
ship doubled. Every man under the age of fifty 
should become personally identified with a po- 
litical organization. The study of politics is the 
most neglected branch of a young American's 
education. I hope to see the time when it will be 
the exception to find a young man who does not 
take an active interest in the political affairs of 
the country. AVben that time comes, we shall have 
less scandals in public office, and a better and 
cleaner administration of the government in all 
its branches, from the top to the bottom. 

"This is an excellent time for the young men 
of the country to organize and equip themselves 
for the next great political battle. It promises to 
be as exciting and as hotly contested as any in the 
history of the country. The party that can com- 
mand the support of the live men will surely win. 
Every politician recognizes that fact. 

"Years ago it used to be the policy of political 
leaders to keep the young men in the background. 
That was a serious mistake. The man who neg- 
lects his political obligations is not a good citi- 
zen in the highest sense of the word." 



224 



CHAPTER XIII 

1891-1899 

A carnival of Tammany knavery in New York 
City forces me to direct Legislative inquiries 
— Three investigations produce scandalous 
revelations — What tvas done to cure mal- 
administration through new laws. 

It has been asserted that I have been the spon- 
sor for more Legislative inquiry committees than 
any one man in the State. It has happened, dur- 
ing my leadership of the party and while I exerted 
some influence at Albany, that because of abuses 
in city and county governments, not only in New 
York, but in other municipalities, appeals were 
made to me by honest citizens to aid them in cor- 
recting maladministration, first by ascertaining 
the cause, and then applying the remedies in the 
form of amendments to the laws. 

I very gladly advocated the Legislative inquir- 
ies of 1891, 1894 and 1899. All, while they dis- 
closed unspeakable misgovemment, enabled the 
Legislatures to intelligently enact laws which, in 
the main, have, I believe, assured to the munici- 
palities of the State cleaner and better adminis- 
trations than at any time within their history. 

225 




THOMAS COLLIER PLATT. 1892 



22C 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Throughout the years of 1888 and 1889, I was 
constantlj' importuned by representative citizens 
of the State to help them secure as nearly ideal 
conduct of their municipal affairs as possible. It 
was impressed upon me that in the absence of a 
general law, great diversity prevailed between the 
charters of the various cities, which provoked in- 
cessant appeals to the Legislature, unwarrantably 
consumed its time, loaded up the statute books 
until they became confused, and made city govern- 
ments unstable and uncertain. Again, accusations 
were made that, particularly in New York City, 
flagrant violations of the law affecting the admin- 
istration of the excise, police, dock and other de- 
partments were being daily perpetrated. Mayor 
Abram S. Hewitt, a Democrat, in his official mes- 
sage to the Board of Aldermen, Januarj^ 17, 1888, 
arraigned the lack of rigid enforcement of the 
excise law in this language: ''After repeated 
complaints to the police, I discovered that the jus- 
tification and excuse for the failure to abate this 
scandal was to be found in the fact that the pro- 
prietors, when arrested, were never or rarely 
brought to trial. 

"More than five thousand cases accumulated 
in the Court of General Sessions during the pre- 
vious two years. As a matter of fact, the ability 
to give bail was a practical immunity for crime. 
I would urge that additional legislation be secured 
for the establishment, either of an excise court 
for the trial of these cases, or for conferring of 

227 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

power on the Special Sessions to empanel a jury, 
where, under the Constitution, the offender avails 
himself of the right to a jury trial." 

Mayor Hewitt also complained that the New 
York City water front had been permitted to grow 
up without any system of regulation or control; 
that there was a fruitful source of conflicting 
claims as to title between the city and individuals, 
and as to jurisdiction between the different city 
departments : that the control of streets had prac- 
tically passed into the hands of corporations, and 
that many laws governing the municipality had 
been reduced to a state of confusion and their in- 
terpretation made difficult, because of successive 
enactments, while the local ordinances were sel- 
dom understood by the people, and often irrec- 
oncilable. 

I quote Mayor Hewitt because it has become the 
fashion among some critics to stigmatize all Leg- 
islative investigations as "political smelling 
schemes." Inasmuch as the Legislature was Re- 
publican, and Hewitt was a Democrat, no charge 
of partisanship by us was warranted so far as 
the inquiry into New York municipal affairs was 
concerned. 

FASSETT COMMITTEE PROBES 

After consultation with Chairman Francis 
Hendricks, of the Senate Committee on Cities, and 
other influential leaders of the upper house at Al- 

228 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

bany, I concluded that the popiihir demand for 
such an inquiry as was sought ought to be granted. 
January 20, 1890, the Senate adopted a resolu- 
tion, authorizing the Committee on Cities to un- 
dertake a general inquiry concerning the govern- 
ment of cities, and report upon the question of the 
amendment and systematization of the general 
body of laws relative to them. Francis Hen- 
dricks, James W. Birkett, Lispenard Stewart, Gil- 
bert A. Deane and J. Sloat Fassett were named 
as the committtee. Senator Hendricks was occu- 
pied by manifold duties at Albany and at home; 
therefore Senator Fassett really handled the bur- 
den of the inquiry, and the committee became 
known as the Fassett Committee. 

GROSS ABUSES DIVULGED 

This committee divulged many gross abuses in 
the governments of New York and other cities and 
recommended many excellent corrective laws, 
which were afterward enacted. In its report, the 
Fassett Committee declared that the chief diflfi- 
culties which underlay the government of cities 
were: 

First. Over-legislation, and too frequent yield- 
ing by the Legislature to the importunities of 
cities for the passage of special or local bills. 
(Bills were recommended and passed, but some of 
them were vetoed by Governor Hill, intended to 
protect cities against the power of individuals 

229 



The Autohiographij of Tliomas Collier Plait 

to appeal to the Legislature, and protect the law- 
making body from entertaining such appeals.) 

Second. The absence of a general law for the 
government of cities, whereby larger powers 
should be granted to local authorities, and the 
Legislature relieved. 

Third. The absence of complete and accurate 
information relative to municipal administration, 
and the necessity for the enactment of a law re- 
quiring a series of annual reports to be filed by 
each municipality, in order that the Legislature 
and people generally could advise themselves fully 
with regard to the indebtedness, taxation and ex- 
penditure. The committee recommended and had 
passed another bill for the appointment of a com- 
mission to draft a general law for the government 
of cities. 

This, I believe, was vetoed by Governor Hill. 

The Fassett Committee found the system of 
accounting in the various cities unintelligible and 
chaotic, and sought to remedy the evil by legisla- 
tion requiring cities to file annual reports with the 
State Comptroller. In New York City the com- 
mittee secured evidence of the greatest inequality 
in the assessment of real and personal property 
for purposes of taxation. The excise law, as 
shown by the evidence submitted, was a "dead 
letter and its execution a humbug." 

The Police Department conditions were practic- 
ally the same as described hereafter in the con- 
clusions of the Lexow and Mazet committees. The 

230 



Tlie Autohio^raplui of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Dock Department was, as to efficiency, hardly 
worth the trouble of establishing, and legislation 
was recommended to reorganize and conserve to 
the people the great water front. The Department 
of Charities and Corrections, which spent nearly 
two millions a year, was administered in direct 
violation of law, and legislation was enacted sepa- 
rating the two and providing for more rigid en- 
forcement of the statutes. 

The Commissioners of Accounts were pilloried 
for winking at frauds they were sworn to probe. 
Nearly $400,000 had been squandered in copying 
dead city records. The Street Cleaning Depart- 
ment, though spending over $1,255,835 annually, 
did everything but keep the streets clean. Gen- 
erally speaking, the payrolls were packed with 
men named by heads of departments, who made 
the places mere political prizes and avoided re- 
sponsibility for their acts by sheltering them with 
the protection of the civil service laws. 

The Fassett Committee inquiry was but the 
forerunner of others which produced even more 
startling disclosures as to the misgovernment of 
the metropolis. 

LEXOW 'S INVESTIGATION" OF 1894 

Heretofore I have incidentally mentioned how 
in 1894 there was created a Legislative committee, 
which brought to light such scandals in the police 
and other New York City departments, that the 

231 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

people arose in their might and turned out of 
office the Tammany administration that was re- 
sponsible for them. Despite the evidence taken 
by the Fassett Committee of 1S90, and the en- 
actment of laws intended to correct abuses then 
uncovered, the press, the Chamber of Commerce, 
Society for the Prevention of Crime and other 
representative organizations produced to me and 
to Eepublican Legislative leaders sworn testimony 
that police corruption and extortion continued; 
that through the police citizens were deprived of 
the right to cast their ballots and have them count- 
ed as cast, and that a veritable carnival of fraud 
prevailed in practically every other city depart- 
ment. 

I became convinced, upon complaints submit- 
ted by the Chamber of Commerce, the Society for 
the Prevention of Crime, and other commercial 
and social bodies, that it would be necessary to 
bring another Legislative committee to New York. 
After consultation with the Legislative leaders, 
and a promise of cooperation from them, a reso- 
lution was offered in the Senate and adopted 
January 30, 1S94, declaring : 

CORRUPTION AMONG POLICE 

It has been charged, and maintained, that the 
Police Department of the City of New York is 
corrupt; that grave abuses exist in said depart- 
ment ; that in said city the laws for the suppres- 

232 



The Autohiographi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

sion of crime, and the municipal ordinances and 
regulations duly enacted for the peace, security, 
order and the police of said city, are not strictly 
enforced by said department, and by the police 
force acting thereunder; that said laws and ordi- 
nances, when enforced, are enforced by said de- 
partment and said police force with partiality and 
favoritism, and that said partiality and favorit- 
ism are the result of corrupt bargains between of- 
fenders against said laws or ordinances, on the 
one hand, and said department and police force on 
the other; that money and promise of service to 
be rendered are paid to public officials by the 
keepers or proprietors of gamehouses, disorderly 
houses or liquor saloons, or others who have of- 
fended, or are offending against said laws, or or- 
dinances, in exchange for promises of immunity 
from punishment or police interference ; and that 
said department, and said police force, by means 
of threats and otherwise, extort money, or other 
valuable consideration from many persons in said 
city, as the price of such immunity from police 
interference, or punishment for real or supposed 
violations of said laws and ordinances. 

The Senate named as members of the Commit- 
tee of Seven : Senators Clarence Lexow, Edmund 
O'Connor, George AV. Robertson, Cuthbert W. 
Pond, Daniel Bradley and Jacob A. Cantor. 



233 



The Autobioi^rapJiy of TJionias Collier Piatt 



FLOWER OFFERS OBSTRUCTION 

Right at the beginning of the proposed investi- 
gation, Roswoll P. Flower, a Democratic Gov- 
ernor, sought to block it by vetoing the bill to 
defray counsel fees and committee expenses. May 
8, 1894, Governor Flower disapproved the bill, 
setting aside $25,000 to liquidate the cost of the 
inquiry on the ground that "the bill has every ap- 
pearance of being a misuse of public money and 
Legislative j)ower for the manufacture of political 
capital or the division of political spoils." 

The Chamber of Commerce, however, guaran- 
teed to the committee counsel fees, and John W. 
Goff, of New York, and William A. Sutherland, of 
Rochester, were selected as attorneys. The result 
of the investigation showed conclusively, in the 
first instance, that almost every conceivable crime 
against the elective franchise was either commit- 
ted or permitted by the police, invariably in the 
interest of the dominant Democratic organization 
of Tammany Hall. 

The Lexow Committee report classified them as 
follows: Arrest and brutal treatment of Repub- 
lican voters, watchers and workers; open viola- 
tion of the election law; canvassing for Tammany 
Hall candidates; invasion of election booths; 
forcing of Tammany Hall pasters upon Republi- 
can voters; general intimidation of the voters by 
the police directly, and by Tammany Hall elec- 
tion district captains in the presence and with the 

234 



The Autobiography of Thomas ('oilier Piatt 

concurrence of the police; colonization of voters; 
illegal registration and repeating, aided and 
knowingly permitted by the police; denial of Re- 
publican voters and election district officers of 
their legal rights and privileges ; cooperation and 
acquiescence in the usurpation by Tammany Hall 
election district captains and watchers of alleged 
rights and privileges in violation of law. 

WHOLESALE DEBAUCHERY AT THE POLLS 

It was shown that during the years 1891, 1892 
and 1893, many thousands of unlawful ballots 
were cast and counted by the active cooperation 
and connivance of the police. 

The report continues : Sufficient appears upon 
the record to show beyond peradventure that hon- 
est elections had no existence, in fact, in the city 
of New York, and that, upon the contrary, a huge 
conspiracy against the purity of the elective fran- 
chise was connived at and participated in by the 
municipal police, whereby the rights of the indi- 
vidual were trampled ruthlessly under foot, and 
crime against the ballot held high carnival. 

It is a significant fact that police captains, 
whose precincts were especially considered in this 
connection, were appointed by the president of 
the Board of Police; and one of the most con- 
spicuous leaders of Tammany Hall, at the instance 
of the organization, as an organization, when in- 
formed that watchers had been sent to the polls, 

235 



The Autohio^raphu of Thomas CoUier Flatt 

at the instance of local reform associations, to 
aid in securing an honest ballot and count, called 
the officers of his command together and in- 
structed them that if "those silk stockings inter- 
fere, stand them on their heads." 

Partisan bias did not stop with the captains. 
In 1892 the president of the Police Board, in de- 
fiance of the Superintendent of Police, gave direc- 
tions to the assembled captains, which, if carried 
into effect, would have caused riot and bloodshed 
at the polls, and would have precipitated encoun- 
ters between the police and the U. S. marshals. 
The department was permeated by the influence 
of Tamniany Hall. District leaders influenced not 
only the appointment but the assignment of offi- 
cers; for contributions were levied upon the mem- 
bers for the benefit of district organizations. A 
situation had been reached under four years of 
a partisan police board, where the officer had been 
brought to understand that the only hope for pro- 
motion was in joining and contributing to Tam- 
many Hall associations, and seeking through these 
channels the sure road to promotion. 

CROKER COULD AND DID STOP IT 

We find Tammany Hall influences predominat- 
ing to such a degree and so demoralizing to the 
force, that Commissioner Martin, president of the 
Police Department, finally asked the intervention 
of Richard Croker, a private citizen, unconnected 

236 



TJie Aulohiographif of Thomas Collier Piatt 

with the Police Department, but loader of Tam- 
many Hall, in order to secure through the in- 
fluence of that organization a cessation of this 
abuse. The same private citizen, whose authority 
was so potent as to accomplish all this, was able 
by a word of command at once to shut up all the 
poolrooms tlien in full operation, and which, ac- 
cording to the testimony up to that time, neither 
the whole force of police, of detectives, superin- 
tendent, or of the commissioners themselves could 
effectively close. Taken as a whole, the record 
discloses the fact that the Police Department, 
from the highest down to the lowest, was thor- 
oughly impregnated with the political influence of 
Tammany Hall, and that the suppression and re- 
pression of crime depended, not so much upon 
the ability of the police to enforce law, but rather 
upon the will of that organization or faction to 
have the law enforced. 

It becomes the paramount duty of the Legisla- 
ture to remove, as far as practicable, the possi- 
bility of i^olitical influences securing a controlling 
power over the police force. 

The testimony indicated the amazing condition 
that in most of the i^recincts, houses of ill-repute, 
gambling houses, policy shops, poolrooms and un- 
lawful resorts of a similar character were being 
openly conducted under the eyes of the police, 
without attempt at concealment, so publicly, in 
fact, that the names of the persons, and the street 

numbers of the houses, were not only known 

007 



The Aiitohiographij of Thomas Collier Plait 

tlirougliout the community, but were published 
in the daily prints, and yet they remained open 
and ostentatiously flourished. 



LIVES JEOPARDIZED, BUSINESS EUINED 

Strong men hesitated when required to give evi- 
dence of their oppression, and whispered their 
stories; tricks, subterfuges and schemes of all 
kinds were resorted to, to withhold the fact that 
they had knowledge of acts of corruption or op- 
pression by the police. The uniform belief was 
that if they spoke against the police, or if the 
police discovered that they had been instrumental 
in aiding the committee, or had information, their 
business would be ruined, and their lives jeopar- 
dized. 

The police practiced blackmail with substantial 
impunity, and with a reckless disregard of de- 
cency. Proprietors of disorderly houses and gam- 
bling dens paid for their illegal privileges. Out- 
casts of society paid patrolmen for pennission to 
solicit on the public highways. Green-goods swin- 
dlers and victims added their story of police black- 
mail and protection. Violators of the excise law 
paid a regular stipend for protection or immunity 
from interference. Appointments to the police 
force were purchased. Captain Creedon confessed 
the payment of $15,000 to secure a promotion. 
Captain Schmittberger testified that he had been 

238 



The Auiubiographjj of Thomns Collier Piatt 

a go-between in securing the appointment of a 
captain, for a consideration of $12,000. 

CORRECTIVE LEGISLATION ENACTED 

The disclosures were of such an appalling char- 
acter that popular demand was made for imme- 
diate remedial legislation. The Lexow Committee 
succeeded in getting through the Legislature bills 
for the concentration of power to control and dis- 
cipline the uniformed force, including assignment 
and transfer, whereby the executive functions of 
the department were lodged in the Chief of Police; 
creating a bi-partisan Board of Police Commis- 
sioners, with exclusive authority over the admin- 
istrative and judicial functions of the department ; 
causing all promotions to be made in conformity 
with the rules of civil service, for merit and su- 
perior capacity; authorizing the Board of Police 
to retire officers after twenty years of service, 
and making retirement mandatory after thirty 
years of service ; conferring upon the same board 
power of dismissal of officers. 

These recommendations were framed into laws, 
and for a time they worked quite well, under the 
strong moral administration. But when Tam- 
many returned to power in 1898, the abuse of the 
laws became quite as flagrant as ever, and the 
Police Department quite as demoralized and cor- 
rupt. Public charges were made that under the 
Van Wyck administration, funds had been raised 

239 



The Autobiographij of Thonias djU'wr Piatt 

by levy upon members of the police force, saloon 
and other resort keepers, to corruptly influence 
legislation; that there had been a lax enforcement 
of laws throughout the Greater New York, of 
which Van Wyck was the first Mayor; that cor- 
rupt and tyrannical methods had been resorted 
to in the enforcement of the same, and that the 
public funds were being wasted in extravagant 
increases of official salaries and in other ways. 

MAZET COMMITTEE INQUIRY 

Again there was a cry for a thorough Legisla- 
tive probing. March 29, 1899, there was adopted 
by the Assembly a resolution creating the special 
Mazet Committee. It consisted of Robert Mazet, 
chairman; Edward H. Fallows, James B. 
McEwan, Thomas S. Costello, Harris Wilson, 
Benjamin Hoffman, and Anthony J. Boland. 

This committee went to work. And it proved 
that many of the accusations against the Van 
Wyck administration were warranted. To quote 
from the report submitted by Chairman Mazet 
and his associates: 

THE TAMMANY DICTATOR 

The one clear and distinct fact brought out by 
this investigation is that we have in this great 
city the most perfect instance of centralized party 
government vet known. We have had explained 

240 



The Auiohio!2:nip]ui of Thomas Collier Piatt 

by the highest authority, the dictator himself 
(Richard Croker), the system and theory of gov- 
ernment, and by the liighest officials the practice 
thereof. We see that government no longer re- 
sponsible to the people, but to that dictator. We 
see the central power, not the man who sits in the 
Mayor's chair, but the man who stands behind it. 

We see the same arbitrary power dictating ap- 
pointments, directing officials, controlling boards, 
lecturing members of the Legislature and the 
Municipal Assembly. We see incompetence and 
arrogance in high place. We see an enormous and 
ever-increasing crowd of officeholders, with ever- 
increasing salaries. We see the powers of gov- 
ernment prostituted to protect criminals, to de- 
moralize the police, to debauch the public con- 
science, and to turn governmental functions into 
channels for private gain. 

The proof is conclusive, not that the public 
treasury has been directly robbed, but that great 
opportunities have been given by manipulation of 
public offices to enable favored individuals to work 
for their own personal benefit. 



*' CROKER WORKED FOR HIS POCKET " 

The enormous increase in the budget of the 
City of New York, the inefficiency and wasteful- 
ness in the public service, the demoralization of 
many of the departments, are due absolutely to 
the abdication of power by the officers of the peo- 

241 



The Autohioi^raphii cf Thomas Collier Piatt 

pie to an organization, the ruler of which, an auto- 
crat, has testified that he was ** working for his 
pocket all the time." 

The real ruler of the city is a private indi- 
vidual, holding no office, amenable to no law, 
bound by no oath, and yet exercising almost ab- 
solute control over most of the departments of 
the city government when he chooses to exercise 
it. For this latter evil — for it is an evil fraught 
with many evil consequences to the good govern- 
ment of the city — there is no Legislative remedy. 
If a Mayor so chooses to abdicate his powers, the 
responsibility is none the less his, but the only 
way to change the condition, if the majority of 
the people are satisfied with such a system and 
scheme of government, is at the polls. 

The conduct of the present Police Department 
of the City of New York is unqualifiedly bad. Not 
only are the laws against poolrooms, gaming 
houses, excise violations, dance halls and wicked 
resorts of all kinds not enforced, or enforced in 
such a way as to be ridiculously ineffective, but 
the general discipline is lax, grave offenses of 
personal dereliction in the way of drunkenness, 
absence from post, inattention to duty, etc., go 
unpunished, or are visited with such small fines 
as almost to be an encouragement and not a deter- 
ment for wrong-doing. Robberies from the per- 
son, robberies from houses and stores, bunco 
games, deceits, frauds, thefts, have increased in 
an alarming degree, and the detection of these 

241! 



The Autobiographi/ of Thomas Collier Plait 

crimes, and the recovery of the property, has 
steadily decreased during the hast two years. 

The power of retiring a chief without cause 
(John McCuhagh, Kepublican) has been exercised 
by this administration. To do this the Mayor 
removed two Police Commissioners, Thomas L. 
Hamilton and William S. Phillips, Kepublicans, 
and appointed one in their place. The three Com- 
missioners promptly retired the then chief, and 
the Mayor having approved their action, the pres- 
ent chief was appointed (William S. Devery, 
Democrat). The responsibility is as much fixed 
now as it ever can be by law, and we have no police 
legislation to recommend. When at the direct 
instance of the gambling and pool-selling frater- 
nity, officers have been ''pounded," captains 
transferred, and a chief retired, it is hopeless to 
expect any other administration of such laws 
than that which the overwhelming evidence proves 
to exist. 

The Mazet Committee recommended the cutting 
of the Mayor's term from four to two years, a 
recommendation which was approved by the Leg- 
islature, and a rule which to-day prevails. It 
showed that scandals in the Tax Buildings and 
other departments were not due to any fault in 
the laws, but lay solely with the officers of the 
law. 

The Mazet Committee concluded its report by 
observing that the testimony demonstrated bad 

243 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Flatt 

administration, for which there was no legislative 
remedy, and defects in the charter which needed 
revision by a competent commission. 

CHARTER REVISION 

In conformity with the Mazet Committee rec- 
ommendations, Governor Eoosevelt named a Char- 
ter Revision Commission. It comprised George 
L. Rives, Franklin Bartlett, George W. Davidson, 
Charles C. Beaman, John D. Crimmins, George 
Cromwell, William C. Dewitt, Frank J. Goodnow, 
Isaac M. Kapper, Edgar J. Levey, James McKeen, 
Alex. T. Mason, Charles A. Schieren, Henry "W. 
Taft and James L. Wells. It devoted a deal of 
time to investigating alleged weak points in the 
charter of 1897, prepared by the commission of 
which Benjamin F. Tracy was chairman. So far 
as I could ascertain, the 1900 commission made 
comparatively few important changes, except that 
the Board of Public Improvements was abolished, 
its functions conferred upon the Borough Presi- 
dents and the Board of Estimate and Apportion- 
ment. This transferred to the Borough Presidents 
the powers of the Departments of Highways, 
Sewers and Buildings. 

The Borough Presidents became members of 
the Board of Estimate and Apportionment and 
were given a voice and vote in all matters affect- 
ing the city as a whole. The Legislature prompt- 
ly, under my direction, approved all the Charter 

244 



The A lit Ohio gr a pi I y of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Revision Commission recommendations, and Gov- 
ei-nor Odell put his signature to them in 1901. 
That charter has stood until the present day, 
though on two occasions Governor Hughes has 
sought to tinker witli it. 

I heartily agree with the findings of the Mazet 
Committee that non-enforcement of the laws — 
yes, deliberate violation of them — by local offi- 
cials produces the greater share of abuses from 
which municipalities suffer. There are enough 
good laws. Let them be executed by those sworn 
to execute them, and the chief cause for com- 
plaint will be dissipated. 



245 



CHAPTER XIV 

1892-1893 

Republicans in rebellion against Harrison — Rea- 
sons for my opposition to his renomination — 
Why Blaine should have been named — Party 
disaster prophecy fulfilled — Harrison testifies 
to my loyalty — Cleveland's victory. 

President Haertsox's quenilousness with the 
New York, Pennsylvania and other State organ- 
izations provoked a movement against his renomi- 
nation that became formidable in 1892. Early in 
that year a secret conference of anti-Harrison 
forces was held in New York City. Matthew S. 
Quay, James S. Clarkson, then acting chairman 
of the Republican National Committee; myself 
and other opponents of the President from many 
States, resolved that the one man who could de- 
feat Harrison was Blaine. A strong organization 
was formed. It made an onslaught on the Presi- 
dent at ^linueapolis. The late John C. New, 
Consul-General to London, hurried home, mar- 
shaled the administration forces, and finally 
forced Harrison's renomination. 

Harrison's selection for a second term caused 
a chattering of the teeth among the warm-blooded 

246 



The Autobiographi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Republicans of the East. When there was added 
to it the choice of Whitelaw Reid, a persistent 
assailant of the New York organization, for Har- 
rison's running mate, many of the New York dele- 
gates, including myself, wrapped ourselves in 
overcoats and ear-muffs, hurried from the con- 
vention hall, and took the first train for New 
York. I had repeatedly uttered 'warnings that 
Harrison's renomination spelled disaster. My pre- 
diction was verified. Grover Cleveland, who had 
been defeated by Harrison in 1888, beat him with- 
out trouble four years later, by an overwhelming 
majority, not only in the electoral college, but in 
the popular vote. 

For the edification of those who formed the 
habit of stigmatizing me as a traitor to Harrison 
as the regular nominee of the party, let me submit 
a personal letter from him, written at the very 
time I was being accused of plotting his defeat 
at the polls: 

HAKRISON VINDICATES ME 

Executive Mansion, Washington. 
Loon Lake, N. Y., August 17, 1892. 

My De.\r Sir: 

I received yesterday evening a letter from Mr. 
Hiscock, with the contents of which I understood 
you were acquainted. After considering the sub- 
ject, I have concluded to dispense with all inter- 
mediaries and to address you directly, with abso- 

247 



The Autohiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

lute frankness. And first, I have not sent for any 
one to consult with me about political matters — 
except the chairman of the State Committee of 
Indiana, whom I desired to see before leaving 
Washington. I did consider the subject of hav- 
ing Chairmen Brookfield and Hackett meet me 
on the train on the way here, and asked Senator 
Hiscock what he thought of it — without, however, 
intending that he should take any step in the 
matter. Chairman Carter, with whom I also con- 
sulted, advised that I should, instead, stop 
over in New York and thus give an opportunity 
to other friends as well to call upon me. This 
course I should have taken, if the news from Mrs. 
Harrison and the delay in the adjournment of 
Congress had not made it necessary for me to 
come on here without delay. I passed through 
Jersey City at such an hour that the project I 
had discussed of meeting the gentlemen named, 
and Mr. Reid, on my train, had also to be 
abandoned. 

I have asked no one to come here, and had not 
contemplated doing so for several reasons. Mrs. 
Harrison is so much of an invalid as to require of 
my time to assist her in the short walks and drives 
she takes daily, and much more in efforts to cheer 
her up and lift lier out of her nervous depression. 
Our cottage is a little box of six small rooms, 
and the domestic disposition necessarily such that 
I cannot bring any one to the cottage. Further, 
I had set apart this week and next to the work 

248 



The Antohiograpliif of Tliomas Collier Piatt 

of preparing my letter of acceptance, which ought 
to be out, and at the best can only get a few hours 
each day for that work. My plan was, when this 
work was done, and Mrs. Harrison better, which 
I anxiously hope for, to go somewhere — either to 
New York City, to Mr. Reid's country place, to 
Mr. Miller's home at Herkimer, or to Mr. Bur- 
leigh's place on Lake George, each of which has 
been suggested — and to meet there a few friends, 
to whom I might submit the letter for suggestion 
and criticism, and with whom I might consult as 
to the campaign. This plan I hope to carry out 
and will be glad if you will make one of that 
company. 

One of the things I ought to say, in view of the 
matters stated in Senator Hiscock's letter: First, 
no promise, or anything that could be construed 
into a promise, of place or reward has been made 
by me, or with my knowledge, to any one before 
or since the Minneapolis convention, and none 
such will be made now or hereafter. Every ap- 
pointment will be left open until the time for 
making it arrives, and then determined in the 
light of that time and upon such proper considera- 
tions as may then present themselves. This I re- 
gard as the only fair course to others and the only 
safe and proper course for me. In this view I 
am advised you fully concur. 



249 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 



MY PARTY LABORS UNSELFISH 

Second, I learn not only from Senator Hiscock's 
letter, but from other sources, that you have taken 
the impression that I depreciated your standing as 
a gentleman and as a Republican leader. I have 
wanted an opportunity, and take this, to say in 
the utmost sincerity that in this you are entirely 
mistaken. Men of high standing in New York, 
amd among them some ivho have sharply and con- 
statitly antagonized you in politics, and might 
he thought to be hostile, have repeatedly, in con- 
versation ivith me, cheerfully borne testimony to 
your personal integrity and fidelity, and to your 
unselfish party labors. I have never intention- 
ally done or omitted anything out of any personal 
disrespect, and any such impression on your part 
is a mistake, the origin of which I will not attempt 
to trace, but ivill venture to suggest that the fault 
may not have been wholly on one side. There is 
no reason on my part why our relations may not 
be absolutely friendly. 

Third, You and other Republicans of New York 
vigorously opposed my renomination. This you 
had a right to do, and it should involve no party 
penalties or disabilities— and no personal ill-will. 
I have never sought (and it is rather uncommon 
in politics, I think) to require loyalty of those 
who received appointments from me. Up to the 
very meeting of the Minneapolis convention, I 
was making nominations upon the recommenda- 

250 



The Auiohiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

tions of Senators and members of Congress whose 
opposition to me was not only pronounced, but 
bitter, and those who opposed me at Chicago have, 
as you know, had generous recognition. Post- 
convention loyalty to the ticket and to the party 
should be rather the test when honors are to be 
distributed. You ivill not expect me to apologize 
for getting the nomination, nor I to you for hav- 
ing tried to prevent it. 

I have thought I ought to say these things in 
order to remove impressions that were injurious 
to me, without reference at all to the effect. I 
appreciate fully the important contribution you 
can make to the campaign. Your devotion to Re- 
publican principles made these stories of secret 
opposition incredible. If any impression that I 
cherished a disrespect for or suspicion of you was 
in the way of your greater activity, I hope that 
has now been removed. "When we meet, these 
matters can have fuller discussion, if necessary. 

It has seemed to me that it would be very de- 
sirable, as well on your account as on mine, that 
our meeting should be anticipated rather than 
followed by any steps you may decide to take. 
I have not hesitated, therefore, to say these things 
frankly and directly to you, rather than through 
others, believing that the spirit at least in which 
I have written would be appreciated. 
Very truly yours, 

(Signed) Benj. Haerison. 
Hon. T. C. Platt, New York City. 

251 



The Autobiography of Tliomas Collier Piatt 



HABRISON, THE *' POUTER PIGEON " 

Some have been so unkind as to depict Harri- 
son as a bantam rooster, strutting about and chal- 
lenging all comers, big and little, to fight. He 
impressed me more as a pouter pigeon, though 
I have witnessed more than one exhibition of his 
pugnacity. Outside the White House and at a 
dinner he could be a courtly gentleman. Inside the 
Executive Mansion, in his reception of those who 
solicited official appointments, for themselves or 
their friends, he was as glacial as a Siberian 
stripped of his furs. During and after an in- 
terv'iew, if one could secure it, one felt even in 
torrid weather like pulling on his winter flannels, 
goloshes, overcoat, mitts and earlaps. "With few 
exceptions, those who did most to place Harrison 
first in the United States Senate and then in 
the Presidency, found him a marble statue when 
they asked for recognition of their services. 

He appeared to assume that all who had been 
with him would stick, no matter how he ignored 
or mistreated them. 

He lost their sympathy by forgetting his obliga- 
tions to them and conferring favors on those to 
whom he owed nothing. That partially explains 
why Harrison was opposed so strenuously for a 
renomination, and why so many himdreds of thou- 
sands of ardent Republicans visited punishment 
upon him by voting straight against him in 1892. 



252 



CHAPTER XV 

1893-1894 

Rival party reorganization movements — Bliss- 
Milhollmid factional quarrels in New York 
City — Expensive result of Whitelaw Reid's 
attempt to intimidate me — Genuine reorgani- 
zation mid Republicans sweep the State by 
one hundred thousand — My friends nominate 
and elect Strong Mayor — He deliberately re- 
pudiates pre-nomination and election pledges 
— Documentary proof of this — Brook field 
ousted. 

The Republican party was in 1893 at a sad dis- 
advantage in the State and City of New York. 
The State government was controlled by the 
Democratic party. Tammany Hall was supreme 
in the city. David B. Hill, the accepted Demo- 
cratic "boss," was in the U. S. Senate. Edward 
Murphy, Jr., his deputy, was also there. The 
overwhelming pluralities by which Flower 
whipped Fassett in 1891, and by which Cleveland 
defeated Harrison in 1892, caused demands again 
from the Half-breeds that I be knocked in the 
head. Despite the fact that I had forewarned New 
York Republicans that the reuomiuation of Har- 

253 



The AutohioiJ^raphij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

rison meant utter rout, in their desperate deter- 
mination to get rid of me they ignored e^^dence 
of chicanery that resulted in the stealing of the 
Legislatures of 1892 and 1893, which sent Hill and 
Murphy to the U. S. Senate. They closed their 
eyes to frauds, not only in New York City, but in 
Dutchess, Columbia and Steuben counties in the 
interior. They seemed blind to the theft of certifi- 
cates of election, colonization, repeating and bal- 
lot stuffing, in which Hill, Assistant Attorney- 
General Isaac N. Maynard, and other Democratic 
leaders, were so implicated that independent social 
and political associations held indignation meet- 
ings and cried out for redress. These assemblies 
also denounced the Democratic gerrymander, that 
made it well-nigh impossible, except a revolution 
should happen, for the Eepublicans to obtain 
a majority in the lawmaking body. 

In the hope of at last starting me on the politi- 
cal toboggan, my adversaries howled for a re- 
organization of the party, particularly in the 
county of New York. Colonel George Bliss and 
others who did not like me formed a Committee 
of Thirty. They announced their intention of 
"cleaning the Augean stables, and throwing Piatt 
and his crew out." I fully realized the imperative 
necessity of a reorganization. But I was not al- 
lured by the spectacle of political bushwhackers 
assuming to take charge of the enterprise. I 
frankly declared at that time that as the old ma- 
chine could not be depended upon to do good and 

254 



The Autohio graph If of Thomas Collier Piatt 

efficient work, and get out the Republican vote, 
a new organization was required. The county 
committee recognized this by gracefully going off 
to the funeral prepared for it by the thirty under- 
takers (thirty district leaders). Conditions be- 
came the more embarrassing, when, early in 1893, 
two bitterly hostile factions sprang up to under- 
take the task of reorganization. One, as I have 
said, was the Committee of Thirty, headed by 
Colonel Bliss. The other was led by John F. Mil- 
bolland, with Whitelaw Reid as its real under- 
writer. 

BLISS vs. REID MILHOLLAND 

Bliss claimed the authority of the old County 
Committee. Milholland asserted that public sen- 
timent was behind him and his men. I questioned 
whether an authority derived from a body that 
had practically confessed its own unfitness to live 
was of any particular value. The County Com- 
mittee had said: **We are somewhat bad, and 
totally inefficient, and we empower Colonel Bliss 
and his friends to get up something better in our 
stead." Now it did not seem to me that Repub- 
licans were compelled to respect Colonel Bliss's 
credentials. If we were to get rid of the old ma- 
chine because it was partially bad, and entirely 
inefficient, we were certainly justified in looking 
with some suspicion upon the persons to whom 
it issued its commission. 

255 



The Autohiograpliy of Thomas Collier Piatt 

I concluded to look at the Bliss and Milholland 
movements merely on their respective merits. I 
found that among those who supported Bliss were 
a number of aged Republicans, of character and 
wealth, who spent a great deal of their time in 
criticizing us whose interest in the party was such 
that we gave our days and nights, in season and 
out of season, to build up the party and make it 
effective on election day. They undertook to 
abolish leadership. They might as well have tried 
to abolish daylight. I urged that it was not so 
much a new scheme of organization that the party 
needed, as new blood, earnest, resolute, active, 
ambitious young men. I therefore did not think 
Colonel Bliss's plan calculated to infuse new life 
in the party. Xor did I regard the would-be lead- 
ers about him, among them Conielius N. Bliss and 
General Samuel Thomas, likely to attract gallant, 
ambitious young men. I maintained that we would 
be unable to obtain the secret of how to get votes 
from gentlemen who gave so little time in active 
work for the party, and suggested that as the ]\Iil- 
holland men were young, active, enthusiastic work- 
ers in cosmopolitan districts we had been unable 
to reach, they, instead of being opposed by Colo- 
nel Bliss and his friends, ought to receive their 
active support and financial encouragement. 

THAT "harmony" DINNER 

Though both Bliss and Milholland repeatedly 
claimed me as sponsor for their respective organi- 

256 



The Autohiography of TJiomas Collier Piatt 

zations, I never got behind either. Possibly I 
would have been tempted to prefer the Milholland 
movement, but for an incident that happened in 
the winter of 1893. State Chairman Hackett and 
myself were invited to what we presumed was to 
be a ''harmony" dinner, at the home of Whitelaw 
Reid. We soon discovered that everybody there 
was expected to sign a cast-iron pledge to push 
Ihe Milholland organization. When I protested 
that my hands were oif , and that the State organi- 
zation would recognize neither the Bliss nor the 
Milholland faction, until one or the other had dem- 
onstrated that it represented a majority of the 
Eepublican voters of New York County, Mr. Reid 
became unwarrantably excited. He brandished his 
fist and exclaimed : ' ' If you refuse to indorse the 
Milholland movement I shall be compelled to at- 
tack you in the columns of the New York 
Tribune." 

"Attack me if you will in a thousand news- 
papers. Never yet have I been bulldozed into 
espousing any proposition, political or otherwise. 
Come on, Hackett. Let's get out of here. It is 
no place for us," was my answer. 

Hackett and I called for our coats and hats, and 
bidding Reid a frigid farewell, departed. 

Reid put his threats into execution. The 
Tribune opened fire on me the next day. It vili- 
fied me as few newspapers ever vilified me. But 
the abuse made me the more determined that I 
would not yield. Neither faction was recognized 

257 



The Aiitohiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

by the State organization. Ultimately my friends 
obtained complete mastery of the New York 
County machine, and brought it up to a state of 
splendid efficiency. I may add that the dinner 
incident, accentuated by the attacks of Mr. Reid's 
newspaper, delayed the appointment of that gen- 
tleman as Ambassador to the Court of St. James 
by a number of years. It had been for a long 
time his most cherished ambition to pay court to 
King Edward. It was not until I finally ac- 
quiesced in a personal request made by President 
Roosevelt, that Reid achieved the post he sought. 

WHY REID DID NOT GO TO ENGLAND 

(Note by the Editor.) 
Senator Piatt, during the preparation of these 
memoirs, searched in vain for a letter he wrote 
to President McKinley in August, 1898, warning 
him that should he appoint Whitelaw Reid as 
Ambassador to Great Britain, he would be com- 
pelled to "part company" with him. An exami- 
nation of the Senator's archives since his death 
discovered the only copy of the communication 
extant, so far as known. Inasmuch as the 
Senator's avowed intention was to reproduce it 
in the story of his life, the compiler here presents 
the protest, which resulted in President McKin- 
ley 's declination to appoint Reid, and which kept 
him officially out of the Court of St. James for a 
number of vears: 

258 



The Auiobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

New York, August 14, 1898. 
To the President, 

Washington, D. C. 
My Dear Mr. President: 

I have spent a good deal of time since our in- 
terview on Friday morning thinking over the sug- 
gestion you made of Mr. Reid's appointment to 
be Ambassador at the Court of St. James. I 
know, of course, that, anticipating my opposition, 
you would not have proposed this nomination had 
you not believed it to be politically expedient. I 
think I appreciate your point of view. It is one 
which I have assumed many times in my political 
experience, and occasionally with good results. 
But the wisdom of attempting to conciliate an 
enemy by giving him an office, depends entirely on 
his character as a man. If the office is a token of 
restored friendship, and not simply a considera- 
tion, it can be wisely given. But when the man is 
both selfish and unscrupulous ; when he has a uni- 
form record of broken promises, promises only 
half performed, promises kept only while the 
present favor lasted, it is my experience that his 
attempted conciliation works vastly more harm 
than good. In the case of Reid, I could give you 
a list of understandings ignored, agreements vio- 
lated and promises broken which would completely 
establish the fact that any assurance of his is to be 
understood and interpreted only in the light of 
what he considers to be his own immediate 
interest. 

259 



The Autobiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

I inclosed to you yesterday, a paragraph from 
the Evening Post which perfectly illustrated 
Reid's character. He is a fawning and unctuous 
friend while he is a friend. He is a friend just 
so long as his friendship is being paid for — "ap- 
preciated," as he would no doubt call it. Then 
straightway and inevitably, he begins his trick of 
cutting from under. Party interests, the public 
welfare — no such consideration in the slightest 
degree affects his course. I have known Eeid for 
a quarter of a century, and have never known the 
time when he could be induced to look beyond the 
point at which his personal advantage was to be 
served. 

It is almost literally time, Mr. President, to say 
that the Republican failures in New York during 
the last twenty years are to be laid at his door. 
The Trihime has always had a large circula- 
tion in New York, and until within the last five 
years it has exercised very great influence upon 
public opinion. The utterly selfish and unpatri- 
otic motives that have controlled its policy have 
at last been discovered to Republicans generally, 
and its influence now is at the very lowest ebb to 
which it has ever fallen. If you take the action 
contemplated your act will operate to revive its 
destructive power. It is and has been the head 
and front of opposition to the Republican organi- 
zation. It has been the constant cause of Repub- 
lican disintegration. No organized movement 
against the party could at any time have been 

2G0 



I'he Aidohiograpluj of Thomas Collier Piatt 

successful except for its dishonest tirades against 
party leaders throughout the State. It has fur- 
nished to the Democratic party, every argument 
that has been efficiently used to the injury of 
Republican candidates and Republican policies. 
We have no substantial party majority in the 
State of New York. When we win, our victory 
is primarily the result of close, election-district 
organization. Everything that tends to impair 
the strength of the organization, to create preju- 
dice against its leaders in the various counties, 
to create distrust of their motives, to misconstrue 
their acts, is bound in its tendency to take away 
from us that very small percentage of Republican 
votes on which success depends. The prejudicial 
and disintegrating course of the Tribune; its 
half-hearted support, when it supports at all; its 
false and ugly criticisms during every session of 
the Legislature; its vicious abuse of individuals 
prominent in the party; its denunciation of meas- 
ures judged to be necessary for the party welfare ; 
its magnifying of party mistakes; its diabolical 
blackguardism of the organization as an organiza- 
zation, have finally rendered the name of White- 
law Reid so odious to Republicans generally, that 
his advancement now would be regarded as a per- 
sonal insult to every loyal member of the party. 
His course in respect to Governor Black is an 
interesting and thoroughly significant illustration 
of his character and conduct. In the first year of 
the Governor's administration, while he was 

2Q 



TJie jLutohiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

thought to be entirely dominated by organization 
influences, Reid abused him like a pickpocket. He 
couldn't stand up or he couldn't sit down without 
calling forth the wrath of the Tribune. Then, 
when he did some things which the organization 
opposed, and refrained from doing some other 
things which the organization desired, the 
Tribune hugged him to its hysterical bosom; and 
now, when it fears that the Governor is not "out 
with" the organization, and fears that his renomi- 
nation may be contemplated, it becomes distant 
and critical of its late idol and sniffs its doubtful 
nose. This is the characteristic Reid policy when 
he is waiting to be "conciliated." It is intended 
for no other purpose than to inform us that the 
course of the Tribune in the pending cam- 
paign depends on whether or not Keid is to get 
an office. 

Reid and his paper have at last brought them- 
selves down to that deserved low limit of public 
regard where they can do the least harm. It 
would be a party crime, Mr. President, for you 
to lift them up. Perhaps you might hold their 
malice in check as long as you kept Reid in office; 
but that would amount to nothing even in its im- 
mediate effects. Everybody who is interested in 
politics would understand the meaning of it. It 
would excite the sneers of Democrats, and to Re- 
publicans it would be a bitter humiliation. Then, 
after you had rehabilitated him, after you had 
enabled him to claim for his paper the authority 

262 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

of a regular party organ, all that new strength 
would be turned against the party, as has been the 
case so many times before. Treachery and in- 
gratitude would be rewarded only that they might 
assert themselves again with a greater power for 
harm. 

I did not speak lightly, Mr. President, when I 
told you that I should be compelled to oppose this 
nomination in the Senate. I said that with ex- 
treme reluctance, for I came to Washington with 
the intention to support you earnestly and stead- 
fastly, even when that course involved the sacrifice 
of my own judgment and interest. And you have 
proposed, I think, about the only thing that could 
cause me to part company. Since my visit to 
Washington on Friday I have talked this matter 
over with a number of our strongest men. I as- 
sumed an impartial attitude, and put it to them 
from your point of view, and if I had received sub- 
stantial encouragement I was prepared to waive 
my own objections. But in every case, the outcry 
against Reid was spontaneous and intense. Every 
one says the same thing— that you could deal no 
blow to your party in New York more hurtful 
than by making this appointment. I speak con- 
servatively in saying that the universal feeling 
among Republicans of influence is, that Reid and 
the Tribune are by their own acts now thor- 
oughly discredited; that their capacity for harm 
is now comparatively small ; that this appointment 
would confer upon them a new lease of influence 

263. 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Plait 

wliich, confirmed by a comparatively respectable 
course during a period of months, would bb 
promptly turned against the party just as soon as 
he required to be "conciliated" again. 

You have made many nominations from New 
York, Mr. President, which were disagreeable to 
the organization, and, in my opinion, unfortunate 
in their party consequences. But I have stood by 
you and have had a certain pleasure in subordi- 
nating my judgment to yours, and in feeling that 
I was affording gratification to you by a consider,- 
ate and helpful course. I had not exj^ected that 
you would think it necessary to impose upon the 
New York organization, which has your interests 
at heart, no less than those of the party, which, 
indeed, does not discriminate between them, this 
particular and extreme injury. I am sure you 
would not do it if you could realize the feeling it 
will arouse, and I still hope that your confidence 
in my advice will cause you to abandon a plan 
which every instinct of party loyalty and every 
desire for the party welfare compel me to oj^jDOse. 
Very truly yours, 

(Signed) T. C. Platt. 

GENUINE REORGANIZATION BEGUN 

While the Committee of Thirty and the Eeid- 
Milholland factions were clutching at each other's 
throats, a practical plan for eradicating one of 
the causes of party demoralization was being 

264 



Tlic jiui()biuij;r(ip}iij of Tliomas Collier Plati 

evolved. It was to put a stop to crooked registra- 
tion and voting, especially on the east side of 
New York County. The Democratic Legislative 
gerrymander had so cut up the old Third (now 
the Eighth) Assembly District, for instance, that 
instead of its continuing a Republican stronghold, 
it cast its vote just as Timothy D. Sullivan, the 
Tammany leader, dictated. In the Second As- 
sembly District, where Patrick Divver was Tam- 
many leader, prizes were offered and presented to 
the election district captain who procured the 
greatest number of votes. In some election dis- 
tricts, only one or two Republican votes were 
counted. Tammany dominated the election boards 
by three to one, and Republican inspectors were 
helpless. Whole Assembly districts were declared 
by the Tammany boards to have gone Democratic 
by from eight to ten thousand, a meager few hun- 
dred votes being accorded to Republicans. Con- 
servative estimates placed the total fraudulent 
vote in New York County alone in the campaigns 
of 1891 and 1892, at from thirty to fifty thousand. 
In the summer of 1893, Charles H. jMurray, then 
Republican leader of the Third Assembly District, 
but now Judge of the State Board of Claims, 
called upon Chairman Hackett, of the Republican 
State Committee, and begged the privilege of 
taking measures to stop the frauds. He asked 
the cooperation of the State organization. Hack- 
ett, who had tried every expedient he could think 



265 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

of, wearily replied: "\Miat is the use, Charlie! 
Wait until we regain the Legislature. Then we 
shall be able to enact laws to cure the evils." 

CRUSADE AGAINST ELECTION CROOKS 

Murray would not quit. He came to me. I told 
him to go ahead, and that I would stand by him. 
I also gave Murray advice as to what methods 
he should pursue. He proved relentlessly vigi- 
lant in investigating crooked work in registration 
and at the polls. He laid the evidence before 
James Gordon Bennett, of the New York Herald, 
and James Phillips, Jr., of the New York Press. 
They, in the interest of an honest ballot and fair 
count, placed scores of reporters at work. The 
result was that October 22, the Herald and Press 
exposed with several pages, copiously illustrated, 
the gigantic system of debauchery, which had for 
years been resorted to by Tammany Hall to 
carry elections. These attacks were continued 
daily until the close of the campaign. And they 
helped much toward reducing the volume of the 
crooked votes cast and counted. The articles were 
extensively copied by Republican newspapers in 
the rural districts. They aroused the Republicans 
there to a feeling of apprehension that their votes 
were to be overcome, and the next election stolen 
as others had been. So they went to work to make 
the up-State returns the largest possible. 



266 



J'hc Autohiographi/ of Thotnas Collier Piatt 



THE STATE REDEEMED 

Meantime, David B. Hill committed the blunder 
of nominating for Justice of the Court of Appeals 
Isaac N. Maynard, who had been active in pro- 
curing the theft of the Legislatures of 1892 and 
1893. We nominated Edward T. Bartlett, of New 
York City. We made Maynard and his offenses 
the campaign issues. We elected Bartlett by over 
one hundred thousand plurality. Our candidates 
for Secretary of State, Comptroller, State Treas- 
urer, Attorney-General and State Engineer and 
Surveyor were also winners, and we regained con- 
trol of the Legislature. 

** Divine Providence did it," I said at the time, 
and I repeat it now. 

The result of the crusade against Tammany 
Hall corruption, inaugurated by Mr. Murray, and 
the police alliance with it, led to the appointment 
of the famous Lexow Legislative investigating 
committee. The first volume of the Lexow Com- 
mittee's report is almost exclusively taken up with 
the evidence that Mr. Murray adduced as to the 
criminality of Tammany Hall, election methods 
and the police participation and connivance there- 
in. This I have discussed elsewhere in more 
detail. 

The Lexow exposures had caused Thomas F. 
Gilroy, the Tammany Mayor, to become much 
alarmed. He finally made up his mind to try and 
oflFset popular resentment by making the police 

267 



The AiitoI)i()graph// of Thomas Collier Piatt 

board bi-partisan. It then consisted of three Tam- 
many Hall men and one Eepublican, General 
Michael Kerwin. Early in 1894 the term of Com- 
missioner Charles F. McLean, now a Justice of the 
Supreme Court, expired. Mayor Gilroy asked me 
to recommend a Eepublican to succeed him. I 
sent him the names of Cornelius Van Cott and 
Charles H. Murray. Gilroy appointed Murray. 
Thus, for the first time, the New York Police 
Board was made bi-partisan, or "non-partisan," 
as the reformers of the day chose to phrase it. 

HOW STRONG WAS NOMINATED 

The Lexow Legislative Committee's disclosures 
of Tammany administration corruption brought 
about a popular revolt among the decent citizens 
of the metropolis in 189-4 that had not been 
equaled since the days of Tweed. So appalling 
were the revelations of debauchery in high places 
that men, regardless of party, united in a demand 
for a complete overturn of the city government. 
Early in the year, committees representing in- 
dependent organizations banded together for good 
and pure administration of municipal affairs, 
called upon me, and asked if I would lend my in- 
fluence toward the formation of a fusion move- 
ment, which would support a non-partisan ticket 
pledged to give the people an honest conduct of 
the city administration. I assured them all that I 
would be most happy to cooperate, and that I be- 

268 



The AuiohiograpJuj of Tliomas Collier Piatt 

lieved I could bespeak the support of the Repub- 
lican organization. The independent organiza- 
tions continued to multiply, the more the popular 
resentment grew against Tammany's misdoings, 
divulged by the Lexow Committee. 

There were the State Democracy, which had 
been formed by the former Mayor William R. 
Grace; the O'Brien Democracy, with former Judge 
Alfred Steckler and his brother Charles at its 
head; the Independent Democracy, whose spokes- 
man, I believe, was John P. Townsend; and nu- 
merous Good Government Clubs, all apparently 
inspired with the same object, and that was to rid 
the city of those who were plundering it. 

September 6th there was an immense mass meet- 
ing at Cooper Union, at which the anti-Tammany 
men concluded to organize a Committee of 
Seventy, supposedly comprised of representatives 
of all elements opposed to the regime then in con- 
trol of the municipal government. A Committee 
of Seventy had been so successful in rooting out 
Tweed frauds in the early seventies, that it was 
thought wise to create another. To the late Jo- 
seph Larocque, an eminent lawyer, who had served 
on the original Committee of Seventy, was com- 
mitted the task of making up the new one. La- 
rocque was a Democrat. But the Republican or- 
ganization offered no protest against his selec- 
tion. Mr. Larocque consulted neither myself nor 
any officer of the Republican organization as to 
who should represent it on the Committee of 

269 



The Autobiographji of Thomas (^oUicr Piatt 

Seventy. He went ahead and named whom he 
pleased. And we acquiesced. We were quite as 
anxious as any of the independents to throw Tam- 
many out of power, so we did not complain about 
being practically ignored in the choice of those 
who were to name the ticket. 

Mr. Larocque selected a number of high-class 
public-spirited citizens. Among them were: J. 
Pierpont Morgan, C. C. Beaman, George L. Rives, 
E. M. Gallaway, Cornelius Vanderbilt, General 
Anson G. McCook, Peter B. Olney, John Claflin, 
General Horace Porter, Lewis L. Delafield, W. 
Harris Roome, Percival Knauth, Charles Taber, 
William J. Scheffelin, George Haven Putnam. Al- 
bert Stickney, George McCulloch Miller, William 
E. Dodge, William B. Hornblower, J. Augustus 
Johnson, Fulton McMahon, Henry A. Oakley, 
Everett P. Wheeler, W. R. Stewart, William Trav- 
ers Jerome, AYoodbury Landon, Hugh N. Camp, 
William L. Strong, Charles Hauselt, John Crosby 
Brown, Simon Sterne, General C. H. T. Collis, 
E. W. Bloomingdale, Albert H. Ely, John P. 
Faure, J. F. Frank, A. S. Frissel, T. A. Fulton, 
E. B. Grinnell, W. A. Hoe, Dr. A. Jacobi, Isaac H. 
Klein, Marshall C. Lefferts, Max L. Lissauer, 
Cornelius W. Luyster, D. C. Overbaugh, E. D. 
Page, James B. Reynolds, Henry Rice, Gustav 
H. Schwab, Charles Stewart Smith, Julius Stern- 
berger, Henry C. Swords, Frederick Taylor, L. J. 
Callahan, Arthur Van Briesen, James J. Speyer 
and James A. Blanchard. 

270 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 



ONLY TWO OF THE SEVENTY OURS 

But two out of the seventy could have been said 
to be representatives of the Republican organiza- 
tion, which polled in the neighborhood of one hun- 
dred thousand votes in those days — more by ten 
to one than any other body of men, except Tam- 
many Hall. Blanchard, who afterward became 
Justice of the Supreme Court through my influ- 
ence, and Swords, originally from Iowa, I think, 
but made acquainted with New York through hav- 
ing been sergeant-at-arms of the Republican Na- 
tional Committee, were about the only spokesmen 
we had on the committee. There were numerous 
conferences. The names of a large number of 
candidates for Mayor were canvassed. One of 
the first considered was that of John W. Goff, 
Democrat, who had proved a splendid inquisitor, 
while counsel for the Lexow Committee. Later 
C. C. ShajTie and Colonel William L. Strong, both 
Republicans, were presented. The Democrats, 
who at first dominated the committee, insisted 
from the outset that a man of their party should 
be nominated, chiefly upon the ground that New 
York was a Democratic city. The Republicans 
argued that as the great proportion of votes nec- 
essary to elect must come from their party, a Re- 
publican must head the ticket. This contention 
finally prevailed, and Colonel Strong was chosen 
for Mayor by the Committee of Seventy. Just 
how this was accomplished and by whom, few 

271 



Tlie Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

knew at the time, or if they did, would not reveal. 
I shall tell the unvarnished truth about it. 

Cliarles H. Murray and the late Judge Jacob M. 
Patterson were the two men most responsible for 
the nomination of Colonel Strong. James Phil- 
lips, Jr., then editor and proprietor of the New 
York Press, was, however, the one who originally 
suggested the colonel's name to me. Early in 
October, 1894, Mr. Phillips called upon me at my 
office, No. 49 Broadway, and urged that the Re- 
publican organization ought to insist that Strong 
be the candidate for Mayor. He argued that, first 
of all, he was a stanch Republican. Then, he was 
a man who commanded confidence, as few did, of 
the business community. I was inclined to agree 
with him. 

STRONG PROMISES EVERYTHING 

On October 4th, I called up Police Commissioner 
Murrav. He was then one of mv most valued 
lieutenants in the New York County organization. 
I asked him to join Mr. Phillips, see Colonel 
Strong, and report the result of the interview to 
me. Mr. Phillips visited Mr. Murray. Mr. Phil- 
lips stated to Mr. Murray that Colonel Strong was 
a candidate for Mayor; that he had been to see 
me about the nomination, because Colonel Strong 
believed it politically unwise to call upon me per- 
sonally; that I had referred him to Mr. Murray 
and requested that the two should call upon Colo- 

272 



The Autobiographtj of Thomas Collier Piatt 

nel Strong at the Central National Bank, of which 
he was then president. They fonnd Colonel 
Strong awaiting them. The candidacy of the 
colonel was then discussed. A definite and posi- 
tive agreement was reached as to the colonel's 
conduct and attitude toward the Republican or- 
ganization in case he should be nominated and 
elected. 

At the conclusion of the inter^new, Mr. Phillips 
and Mr. Murray came to my office and reported 
what had happened. It was suggested that Judge 
Jacob M. Patterson's advice be sought. He joined 
us. He was told what had passed between Phil- 
lips and Murray. That there might be a third 
person, as a witness, it was agreed that he and 
Phillips and Murray should go again to Colonel 
Strong and discuss his candidacy. They did so. 
Colonel Strong was absent. But the three saw 
him in the afternoon. The result of the iutenaews 
with Colonel Strong was reduced to a typewritten 
statement, signed by Messrs. Murray, Patterson 
and Phillips, which until now has never been 
printed. It was written by Mr. Murray and has 
reposed among his archives. Here is the docu- 
ment: 

BARGAIN WITH STRONG 

On Thursday, October 4, 1894, Mr. James Phil- 
lips, Jr., of the Press, called upon me at Police 
Headquarters and wanted me to go with him in 
his cab to attend an important conference. He 

273 



The Autobiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

explained to me that Mr. Strong was a candidate 
for Mayor, and wanted to see me in order to ex- 
plain his position and attitude and his intentions 
regarding the Eepublican party. I asked Mr. 
Phillips if I could talk freely to Mr. Strong as 
man to man. He replied that I could talk as 
freely to Mr. Strong as I could to him. 

On reaching Mr. Strong's office, I found him 
waiting for us. After passing the hearty con- 
gratulations of the day, I remarked to Mr. Strong 
that when Mr. Einstein ran for Mayor in 1888, I 
had labored diligently with him to obtain his con- 
sent to accept the Republican nomination then. 
He replied that at that time he could not run, but 
that now he had been urged by so many of his 
friends, both Republican and Democrats, if the 
nomination was tendered to him, and there was a 
substantial unanimity by all the anti-Tammany 
associations for him to run, he had made up his 
mind to run ; that he thought he could be elected ; 
that this was an opportunity by which, if em- 
braced, he thought, Tammany Hall could be over- 
thrown; that if he was elected Mayor he would 
give the city an honest and business-like adminis- 
tration, and endeavor to so build up the credit of 
the party for an honest and business-like adminis- 
tration of the city affairs that, after the two years 
of his incumbency as Mayor, the Republican party 
would obtain such credit from his administration 
that his successor would be elected. 
I replied that the supremacy of Tammany Hall 

274 



The Autohi()ii;raplui of Thomas Collier Piatt 

in this city was due to their immense patronage 
in the municipality; that I understood there were 
some nineteen thousand place-holders in the city 
of all grades. But, saying there were ten thou- 
sand active political places, a Republican Mayor, 
with the courage of his convictions, could so use 
this patronage in the interest of the Republican 
party, that he could build up the Republican or- 
ganization to the present strength of Tammany 
Hall in the city; so that the Republican party in 
the future could cope successfully with a united 
Democratic party and make the city and State 
Republican indefinitely. 

DETAILS OF THE COMPACT 

Colonel Strong replied that he wanted to give 
an honest and business-like administration as 
Mayor, and that as he expected to be elected by 
the votes of many Democrats, he felt that he would 
be obliged to recognize them in some instances in 
the distribution of patronage. I replied: ** Colo- 
nel Strong, I commend your attitude, and if I was 
elected Mayor of this city I should endeavor, as 
conscientiously as a man could, to give the city a 
thoroughly honest and business-like and Republi- 
can administration. T should make certain boards 
in the city non-partisan. For instance, I should di- 
vide the Police Board, the Excise Commission, and 
possibly the Dock Department, equally among Re- 
publicans and Democrats. For such boards, where 

275 



The Autohio^rapJnj of Thomas Collier Piatt 

public criticism was mainly directed, I would make 
each party responsible for the administration of 
them, so that the Kepnblican party could not be 
charged with partisan manipulation of them like 
Tammany Hall, and be put in the jeopardous posi- 
tion that Tammany Hall was now in; but that 
other than this I should give a Republican admin- 
istration, in the office as Mayor, for the benefit of 
the party." 

He replied that I had expressed his sentiments 
and views exactly; that he coincided fully in what 
I had said ; and that he was so good a Republican 
that he should take ''damned good care" that any 
Democrat he might appoint would come pretty 
near to being a Republican; that he should take 
care that any Democrats tha't might be appointed 
would be pretty good anti-Tammany Democrats. 

STRONG SAYS HE WAS NEVER AGAINST ME 

I said then to Mr. Strong that I wanted to talk 
to him frankly and confidentially about his atti- 
tude to the Republican party, and toward the un- 
fortunate factions which were in the party. 
He said to me he never had been a factionist; 

that he regretted very much the conduct of 

in stirring up this factional strife, and that he 

had said more bitter things to 's face than he 

would ever say behind his back. I said to Mr. 
Strong that I regretted these factions, but as long 
as they were these factions, and that as he had 

276 



The Autohiogmplui of Thovias Collier Piatt 

sought this interview with me as the representa- 
tive of the majority faction in the Republican 
party, I wanted to understand his attitude toward 
me. He replied that if he was elected Mayor, he 
would endeavor to harmonize the party; that he 
was a friend of ours, and that he wanted we should 
be friends of his ; that he had never been against 
Mr. Piatt, and that if he was elected Mayor no 
man would be more welcome to his office than 
would be Mr. Piatt. 

I said: "Then, Mr. Strong, I understand this, 
because I want it distinctly understood between 
us, that if you are elected Mayor, you will advise 
and consult us in all things, and that you will 

not heed suggestions and advice from and 

his friends any more than you will heed sugges- 
tions and advice from me and my friends ; that the 

suggestions and advice of Mr. and his friends 

will not take any preference or receive any greater 
consideration than advice and suggestions made 
by myself and friends, and that in all matters you 
will receive advice and suggestions and consult 
with us respecting your administration as Mayor, 
so long as we make no advice or suggestions con- 
trarv to vour intention of giving an honest, busi- 
ness-like and a Republican administration as 
Mayor, and make none that a conscientious man 
could not carry out." 



277 



The Autohiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 



THE PLEDGE 

He replied: "The suggestions made by you 
and your friends will receive as much or greater 
consideration than those made by anybody else. 
I shall be happj^ to consult with you at any and all 
times. I want to make a harmonious party, here 
in the city, and shall do nothing which in your 
judgment would not be in the interest of harmony, 
and for the best interests of the party." 

I said: ''Mr. Strong, there remains now but 
one other subject for us to agree upon. Suppose 

Mr. or anybody else should suggest to you 

for appointment a highly objectionable name, what 
would you do in this case?" 

He replied: '*I would endeavor to harmonize 
it, and if harmony could not be obtained, I should 
insist upon the name." 

Then I said: "Colonel Strong, I understand 
that you will heed our protest against such a man, 
and would not make any appointment highly ob- 
jectionable to us?" 

He said: "I will heed your protest." 

About this time, Mr. Phillips, who had over- 
heard this conversation, withdrew, and Mr. 
Strong turned to me and said : "Now, Murray, you 
and I understand each other perfectly, and you 
need have no apprehensions but what I will do the 
right thing if I am elected Mayor." 

I said: "Mr. Strong, I am glad to have these 
few words in confidence with you, because I 

278 



The Aid Ohio graph} I of Thomas Collier Plait 

wanted the understanding fully and frankly as 
I have had it with you." 

He said: "It is all right, Murray. We under- 
stand each other perfectly." 

Mr. Phillips and I then withdrew, and drove to 
Senator Piatt's office. I telephoned to Judge Pat- 
terson to come immediately down to Senator 
Piatt's office. In about twenty minutes Judge 
Patterson arrived at Senator Piatt's office, and 
I detailed to Senator Piatt and Judge Patterson 
the interview, in substance as it is written now. 

Then Judge Patterson, Mr. Phillips and myself 
left Piatt's office and drove to Mr. Strong's office, 
and found Mr. Strong absent, attending, we were 
informed, a meeting of the New York Life Insur- 
ance Company. An appointment was made by 
Mr. Phillips for Judge Patterson and myself to 
meet Mr. Strong at his office at half-past two in 
the afternoon. Judge Patterson and myself, a few 
minutes after half-past two, called at Mr. Strong's 
office. We waited for him about fifteen minutes. 
Then Mr. Strong returned, and the following in- 
terview took place between Mr. Strong, Judge Pat- 
terson and myself. 

PATTERSON 's TESTIMONY 

What follows is the testimony of Judge Pat- 
terson : 

When Mr. Strong came, Mr. Murray was by 
the desk in the southwest corner of his room. Mr. 

279 



The Aiitohiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Strong greeted Mr. Murray. Judge Patterson, 
who was standing a few feet away, stepped over 
and greeted Mr. Strong. Judge Patterson said: 
"Colonel Strong, Commissioner Murray has in- 
formed me of the interview of this morning." 
(Mr. Phillips was to be present at this time, but 
was unavoidably absent.) 

"I came to see Colonel Strong," continued 
Judge Patterson, "in relation to the nomination 
for Mayor, understanding that you would like 
to receive the nomination for Mayor." 

Colonel Strong said it had been suggested to 
him by the Committee of Seventy and many per- 
sonal friends, that he would be the proper man 
for them to nominate, and that a number of them 
had strongly urged him to accept, but that he 
had not seen any one about it since Tuesday 
morning. 

I then told him that influences were at work to 
have the Committee of Seventy propose the name 

of Hon. before the Eepublican convention. 

He then said: "^Yhy wouldn't he, , make a 

good candidate?" I said he would, but that there 
were strong objections to Mr. being nomi- 
nated. "And we prefer you. Colonel Strong, and 
if you will give us an opportunity, by presenting 
your name from the Committee of Seventy, we 
will choose you as our candidate. But if the Com- 
mittee of Seventy presented one name — that is, 

the name of , that would be manifestly unfair 

and absolutely wrong." 

280 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Colonel Strong said be agreed entirely with 
me, that it was unfair and wrong for them to 
present but one name, and that he should submit 
several names from which we could select. Then 
I said: ''Can't you do anything to stop that? 

Can't you get your name submitted with ?'* 

Colonel Strong said: "I'll be damned if I'll ask 
them to do anything for me personally, but I'll 
see that more than one name will be submitted. 
For them to submit but one name would be abso- 
lutely wrong." 

He (Colonel Strong) looked up and said: "It 
is three o'clock now. The committee is now in 
session. I'll not go down personally, but I'll send 
word to Mr. John Claflin." 

He then called in a lady stenographer and dic- 
tated a letter. While he was dictating the letter, 
he turned to me and said: "I am not going to 
mention my own name to Mr. Claflin." 

Then Mr. Murray spoke up and said: "We 
understand your modesty in not personally urging 
your name, but you can trust your candidacy in 
the hands of Judge Patterson and myself. We 
will make you our candidate. You will be our 
candidate and we will put you through." 

After he (Colonel Strong) had finished dictating 
the letter to Mr. Claflin, and while it was being 
typewritten, we engaged further in conversation 
with Colonel Strong, and Mr. Murray said that 
he had a highly satisfactory conversation with 
Colonel Strong in the morning. 

281 



The Autobioi^rapJtij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

I then remarked: "Colonel Strong, you are a 
gentleman, and an honorable man, and would ac- 
cept no favors at the hands of any man without 
realizing the obligations you are under. We will 
trust you as a man of honor to treat us fairly 
and honorably after you are elected." 



"i'll not forget my obligations 



>> 



He (Colonel Strong) said: "That is correct. 
You can trust me. I'll not forget my obliga- 
tions." 

We then started to leave. By that time the let- 
ter was brought back to the room ; Colonel Strong 
said : " I '11 be damned if I '11 ask them for myself, 
but it will be altogether wrong for them to present 



one name." 



And he immediately sent the letter to Mr. 
Claflin. 

Thereupon Mr. Murray and myself withdrew, 
promising him (Colonel Strong) that if his name 
was presented to us by the Committee of Seventy, 
we would see that the Eepublican conference com- 
mittee accepted it and recommended it to the 
county convention. He could be assured of our 
nomination. After thanking us, he withdrew. 
(Signed) Charles H. Murray. 
J. M. Patterson. 
New York, October 10, 1894. 



282 



The AutobiugrapJiy of Thomas Collier Piatt 



Phillips's attestation 



I have this day read the inclosed memo care- 
fully, and as far as paragraph 1, from pages 1 
to 5, inclusive, I can affirm the accuracy of Mr. 
Murray's rememhrance of the interview with 
Colonel Strong. I also recall clearly the assertion 
of Colonel Strong that he would endeavor to co- 
operate heartily with a Republican Governor, if 
one was elected, during his term of office. This 
was made in reply to an inquiry by Commissioner 
Murray. 

J. P., Jr. (James Phillips, Jr.) 

MY PERSONAL EXPERIENCE WITH STRONG 

Concerning my own personal experience with 
Mayor Strong, I here produce some memoranda 
I jotted down soon after the Mayor elevated Will- 
iam Brookfield to the Commissionership of Pub- 
lic Works: — 

On the 8th day of October last, I was visited 
at my office by Mr. J. Phillips, Jr., the man- 
ager and proprietor of the New York Daily 
Press, who had previously advised me of his very 
close and intimate relations with Hon. William L. 
Strong. He stated to me in that interview that 
he had just left Mr. Strong, and that he found 
that gentleman was exceedingly anxious for the 
Republican nomination for Mayor; that up to 
this time he had been indifferent, but now was 

283 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

desirous of obtaining it and wanted my help. I 
stated that my help could only come through the 
leaders of the organization, and whatever was 
agreeable to them would be satisfactory to me; 
and suggested that Mr. Phillips arrange an in- 
terview with Judge Patterson and Commissioner 
Murray and Mr. Strong; that if Mr. Strong could 
satisfy them of his Republicanism, and that his 
policy, if elected, would be one for the protection 
and strengthening of the Republican party, I had 
no doubt those gentlemen could be induced to come 
into line for him. 

Mr. Phillips approved of this, and took a cab 
and drove to the office of Commissioner Murray 
and got him to accompany him, and returned to 
Mr. Strong's office, and Mr. Murray had an in- 
terview in the presence of Mr. Phillips. Imme- 
diately afterward, at my request, Mr. Murray de- 
tailed the interview in full, and Mr. Phillips certi- 
fied to the correctness of it, which statement is 
in my possession. During their absence from my 
office, I sent for Judge Patterson, and got him 
here, and he was present when Mr. Murray and 
Mr. Phillips returned. Upon hearing their re- 
port, it was arranged that Mr. Patterson should 
go at once to the Mayor and confirm these state- 
ments, which he did, and immediately thereafter 
detailed his conference in writing, with the Mayor, 
which confirmed in every respect the assurances 
given to Mr. Murray. In these conversations the 

284 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 



Mayor made the pledges reported by Messrs. 
Murray, Patterson and Phillips. 

Upon the strength of these assurances and 
pledges, these gentlemen, Murray and Patterson, 
at once went to work to put the organization in 
line for his nomination, and did secure his nomi- 
nation, which could not have been an accomplished 
fact under any other circumstances. 

BROOKFIELD FOR BLISS 

Mr. Brookfield at this tune and up to the very 
evening of the meeting of the county convention 
was for Cornelius N. Bliss for Mayor; and when 
lie was informed on the evening of the conven- 
tion that it was the intention to nominate Mr. 
Strong, he expressed great surprise and said that 
this had a very bad look, and that these gentlemen 
would not nominate Mr. Strong unless they had 
some understanding with him. 

During the whole of the canvass prior to the 
election, I had no communication whatever, direct 
or indirect, with the mayoralty candidate. I did 
object to his taking advisers and managers of his 
campaign entirely from one faction of the party. 
In order to fix that up, he arranged for an advisory 
committee, which committee was never called upon 
for either advice or work. 



285 



The Autohioirraplui of Thomas Collier Piatt 



MY PACT WITH STRONG 

After election, the first intcrvieTT I had with the 
Mayor was an accidental one at the rooms of the 
Governor-elect (Le\i P. Morton), at the Hotel 
Renaissance. In that interview, which lasted for 
half or three-quarters of an hour, in the presence 
of the Governor-elect, T took occasion, after con- 
gratulating him upon his election, to give him 
assurances of my cordial and hearty support in 
the administration of his office, and that I was not 
only willing but anxious to hold up his hands in 
every way; that I had no motive or desire except 
the strengthening of the Republican party in this 
city. And in return for these assurances, I was 
told by him that he was just as good a Republican 
as I was, and just as anxious for the welfare of 
the party. He said that in the distribution of 
patronage he would be obliged to recognize, in 
some way, all the political elements which su]> 
ported him, but that he should do everything in 
his power consistently to sustain the organization 
of the party here and strengthen it. I told him 
that in all matters of legislation, whatever influ- 
ence I could exert in the interest of his admin- 
istration, would be exerted. And the Governor 
took occasion to state to him that he had known 
me for many years, and that where I was a friend, 
I was a strong friend, and he assured him that he 
would have no better friend than I in any matters 
connected with the management of the afifairs of 

286 



The Autobio^^raph?/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

his office. As to the details of the distribution of 
patronage, nothing was said at that interview. 
He said he would take great pleasure in consulting 
with me, when the time came, with reference to 
matters of patronage. 

The next interview that I had with His Honor 
the Mayor was at the dinner of the Black Lake 
Fishing Club. For perhaps half an hour I sought 
to sit beside him, and did sit beside him, for the 
purpose of discussing the affairs of the party. A 
conversation of about the same general character 
occurred as to my desire to support him and sus- 
tain him. I there stated to him that I considered 
it of the greatest importance, with reference to 
the interests of the party, that two important 
places in his gift should be assigned to Republi- 
cans, and those were the Commissioner of Public 
Works and the Corporation Counsel; that it did 
not make much difference what became of the rest 
if those two offices were in the hands of Republi- 
cans; and that I considered it of paramount im- 
portance that the men who were put in those places 
should be men of undoubted Republicanism, and 
with excellent qualifications for the places. He 
stated that he proposed to appoint a Republican 
Commissioner of Public Works, but he was not 
so clear in his mind as to the Corporation Counsel, 
though he would have to give it to the Democrats. 
I mildly protested against this as being, in my 
judgment, bad politics, but he seemed to be quite 
determined, and I rather inferred from that con- 

287 



The Autohio^rapluj of Thomas Collier Piatt 

versation that he had somebody in mind. I said 
that I had only one request to make of him, and 
that was, when he came to the question of select- 
ing a man for the Commissioner of Public "Works, 
that I should be consulted and be allowed to have 
something to say about that matter. He promised 
me that I should, and said that there was no man 
in the party whose opinion he would be more likely 
to accept than mine, in that respect. 

The next conversation that I had with him was 
after a visit from our mutual friend Phillips, in 
which he told me that the Mayor was desirous of 
seeing me; that the time had arrived when he 
would have to take into consideration the ques- 
tion of the personnel of the ofiBce of the Commis- 
sioner of Public Works ; that private information 
had come to him that Commissioner Daly was go- 
ing to resign. This was the last of the week, and 
the first of the next week the resignation was 
likely to come into his hands, and he wanted to act 
promptly upon the matter of his successor, and 
requested that I should name two or three men as 
suitable candidates for that place, and also in- 
timated that he would like to see me. Mr. Phil- 
lips made an arrangement for me to call upon 
him, and T went to the office of the New York Life 
and met him there by appointment. 

PROMISES TO RETAIN MURRAY AND KERWIN 

In that conversation, the subject of the Power 
of Kemoval Bill was discussed, and I assured him 

288 



Tlie Autobiograpln/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

that I was ready to cooperate to secure whatever 
kind of legislation he required in that respect. 
But as a preliminary to that, I wanted to know 
whether he had any intention of removing Com- 
missioners Murray and Kerwin, stating to him 
in that conversation that in my opinion these men 
were not only true Republicans, but honest men, 
and were in no way under obligations to Tam- 
many Hall for their appointment ; and but for se- 
curing their appointment prior to the election, we 
could not have secured an honest election in the 
city; and in my judgment it was very doubtful 
whether he could have been elected, because with 
their support we had the support of the Superin- 
tendent of Police, and it made a difference of 
25,000 or 30,000 votes at the least calculation in 
the Republican vote of the city. He assented to 
all this, and assured me that he could not think 
of removing these men; that he believed them 
to be all that I said, and I might rest assured 
that under no circumstances would those men be 
removed. We then took up the question of the 
resignation of Commissioner Daly, and I told him 
that I did not believe there was any such purpose 
intended, but that I could find out very soon (this 
occurred on Saturday), and that I would let him 
know by Monday whether there was anything in 
that statement. I did investigate, and found there 
was no such intention, and said to him that until 
it was a settled fact that Mr. Daly was going to 

289 



TJie Autobiography of Tliomas Collier Piatt 

resign, I did not care to make any suggestions as 
to nominees for the Commissionersliip. 

The Power of Removal Bill passed the Assem- 
bly and was in the shape that was recommended 
by the Committee of Seventy. Immediately after 
its passage, mutual friend Phillips called upon 
me again, saying that he had just come from the 
Mayor and was anxious that the bill should be 
amended, chiefly as to the four-months' clause, he 
desiring to change it to six months, and also that 
he desired it to be amended so that the President 
of the Board of Aldermen should not be clothed 
with the same powers and privileges that he was. 
I immediately communicated with the Republican 
leaders in the Senate at Albany, and told them 
what the Mayor desired, and told them that I 
thought the bill ought to be amended to meet his 
wishes. This was promptly done, very much to 
the embarrassment of our friends in the Senate, 
who were charged by our friends in the Assembly 
with trifling with them and making them appear 
ridiculous. 

I SUGGEST GRANT OR WELLS 

The next and last interview that I had with him 
(Strong) was after the Power of Removal Bill 
had passed or was about to pass, when mutual 
friend Phillips made an engagement for me to 
meet him at his house, where I spent the evening, 
remaining at least two hours or two hours and a 

290 



The Autohiographii of Thomas Collier Piatt 

half. At that interview he renewed and empha- 
sized his assurances that under no circumstances 
would Murray and Kerwin be removed, going so 
far as to say, in his opinion, it would be an out- 
rage to turn so good and true men and Republi- 
cans out of place; men who had served the party 
so well and to whom he was under such obliga- 
tions. The question of the Commissionership of 
Public Works was considered, and he asked me 
to suggest two or three names. First I suggested 
Hon. James L. Wells, of this city, stating that he 
was a man of high character, excellent business 
qualifications, a good executive man, and that I 
would vouch for him as being an honest, capable 
and efficient man in that place. He did not seem 
to be pleased with that suggestion, because he 
said he knew nothing about him, and had never 
heard of him. I then suggested the name of 
Colonel Fred D. Grant, stating that he was a man 
who was not in any way connected with either fac- 
tion ; was a man whose name would give character 
and strength to the position, and who was capable 
of discharging the duties of the office to his sat- 
isfaction and satisfaction of the party. His an- 
swer was: ''That is a good name. I do not think 
we need look any further." And I left him with 
the feeling that he intended to make Colonel Grant 
the Commissioner of Public Works. I have no 
doubt at that time that he did think so, because I 
have heard from several sources that he stated 
that for two or three days that was his purpose. 

291 



Tiie AutohiograpJiy of Thomas Collier Piatt 

This is the only suggestion that I have ever made 
to him in the way of patronage, either directly or 
indirectly. And that one recommendation was for 
no other purpose than to make this place, which 
was the most important place in his gift, free from 
faction, and have some man put there who would 
distribute the favors with reference to the good 
of the party. 

STRONG REPUDIATES PLEDGES 

How Colonel Strong violated his agreement was 
disclosed soon after his election. Despite his 
pledges, he made absolutely no appointments of 
men recommended by the Republican organization. 
He named as his Corporation Counsel, Francis 
M. Scott, now a Justice of the Supreme Court. 
Scott had, as the spokesman for AVilliam R. 
Grace, arisen in the final conference of the Com- 
mittee of Seventy, and avowed that neither Grace 
nor he nor the organization he represented would 
support Colonel Strong, but would insist upon 
the nomination of a Democrat for Mayor, Colonel 
Strong secured the backing of Grace and his or- 
ganization afterward, by promising that Scott 
should get the position he finally was awarded. 

William Brookfield, who was at that time doing 
all he could to cause the organization to repudiate 
my friends, was appointed to the Commissioner- 
ship of Public Works, the most important office 
within the gift of the Mayor. Colonel Waring 

292 



TJie Autohiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

was put in charge of the Street Cleaning Depart- 
ment, and no organization leader could get a place 
from him during his entire administration. 

MURRAY AND KERWIN REMOVED 

Within about six weeks after the passage of the 
bill granting absolute power of removal to the 
Mayor, Strong lopped oil the heads of Police Com- 
missioners Murray and Kerwin, the Republican 
members of the board. He did this despite a posi- 
tive pledge to Governor Morton and Lieutenant- 
Governor Saxton and myself that if he were 
granted the proposed legislation he would retain 
both Murray and Kerwin. 

Thus was Murray rewarded for his activity in 
procuring Strong's nomination. On election 
night. Strong had put his arm around Murray at 
Police Headquarters, and in the presence of many 
persons effusively thanked him for his nomination 
and election. Mayor Strong never publicly, so 
far as I have been able to ascertain, furnished 
the slightest reason for removing Commissioners 
Murray and Kerwin. A friend of the Mayor has 
told me since that the Mayor assured him that 
he awakened one night and made up his mind that 
he ought to get rid of Murray and Kerwin. Then 
' he prayed over it and finally concluded to carry 
his design into execution. 



293 



The Autobiography of 'Thomas Collier Piatt 



BROOKFIELD PUNISHED 

In the winter of 1894, while Mayor-elect Strong 
was making up liis e^ibinet, there came an ir- 
resistible demand for a change in the chairman- 
ship of the Republican County Committee. ^Yill- 
iam Brookfield then held the place, and it soon 
became known that he was to be Strong's Commis- 
sioner of Public Works and use the patronage of 
that great office to cripple the majority faction 
in the organization. Convinced that this could 
and must not be tolerated, I sent for Commissioner 
Murray and advised with him as to who our can- 
didate should be. We agreed that we should get 
behind Edward Lauterbach. While Commissioner 
Murray and myself were consulting in my office, 
Mr. Lauterbach entered, I said to him: *'Mr. 
Murray and myself have been considering the 
reorganization of the Republican County Com- 
mittee. We have determined that 3'ou are the 
man to make a sacrifice in behalf of the organiza- 
tion." 

Mr. Lauterbach asked what it was. I replied: 
**We have determined upon you as the man to 
be the next chairman of the Republican County 
Committee. Mr. Murray thinks he can elect you 
as such, and I want you should take the office." 

Mr. Lauterbach replied that although it would 
be a personal sacrifice for him to accept the of- 
fice, yet he was always willing to obey the com- 

' 294 



The Autohiograph}! of Thomas Collier Piatt 

mands of the organization, and that if I thought 
he could be of any benefit to the party, he would 
become a candidate. Though the combined power 
of the incoming municipal administration was ar- 
rayed against us, we finally succeeded in electing 
Mr. Lauterbach over Brookfield by a small 
plurality. 

That gave my friends and myself more abso- 
lute control of the New York County organization 
than at any time since I was made the State leader 
of my party. 

**I CAN WRITE A LIE AS EAST AS TELL IT" 

That strong deliberately repudiated his con- 
tract was substantiated when, after his appoint- 
ments were announced, Lauterbach, as chairman 
of the County Committee, offered a formal pro- 
test and flung in Strong's face the written evi- 
dence of his perfidy. 

Strong ''ha-ha-ed!" and returned: "Well, I 
can write a lie as easily as I can tell one. I am 
independent of you now, you know." 

The **cuss" words that Lauterbach then applied 
to Strong would burn the cover of this book. 

Strong was another of the fellows who wore a 
little bunch of whiskers under his chin. 

One effect of my experience with him was to 
call for a barber and have my beard trimmed 
close, and studiously avoid permitting the growth 
of any tuft on my neck. 

295 




LEVI P. MORTON 



B. B. ODELL, JR. 
2S6 



DAVID B. HILL 



CHAPTER XVI 

1894-1897 

Popular sentiment snakes Morton Governor — I am 
christened "Father of Greater Netv York" — 
Insertion of gold Plank in St. Louis platform 
greatest achievement of my career — Why I 
supported Morton against McKinley for 
Presidential nomination — Opponents offer 
me hut I decline the Gubernatorial nomina- 
tion — Black chosen after free-for-all fight. 

While the preliminary steps were being taken 
to nominate Colonel Strong for Mayor, there was 
much to do to name a State and Legislative ticket, 
that would not only aid in making New York City 
surely Republican, but the entire commonwealth 
as well. The Democrats seemed firmly intrenched 
at Albany as in New York. Roswell P. Flower was 
GoveiTior. 

I concluded, early in the spring of 1894, that 
to redeem the State the Republicans must select 
for their ticket the strongest men available. 

I asked leaders everywhere to give me their un- 
biased views as to who would best insure the re- 
instatement of the party in power. With prac- 
tical unanimity, they told me that the one man 

297 



TJie ylutobio^rapJii/ of Tliomas Collier Flatt 

surest to do this was Levi P. Morton. He had 
been Ambassador to France, Vice-President under 
the Harrison administration, and several times a 
formidable candidate for U. S. Senator. 

So pronounced was the sentiment for Morton, 
that in the summer I publicly declared him my 
personal choice for the Governorship. J. Sloat 
Fassett, who had made an unsuccessful fight three 
years earlier, was most vehement in his objec- 
tions, feeling that he was entitled to head the 
ticket again. I thought Fassett was young and 
could afford to wait. 

Despite his personal threats to do all he could 
to defeat Morton and nominate himself, I set 
things in motion to procure Morton delegates. 

Morton was nominated by an overwhelming ma- 
jority at Saratoga. He was elected by over 156,- 
000, his opponent being David B. Hill, whom in a 
last desperate moment the Democrats put up 
against him. For the first time, I think, in history 
the State and city of New York were simulta- 
neously carried by our party. 

The achievements of the Morton administration 
were great indeed. Under it the people created 
the Greater Now York, reformed the excise and 
election laws and undid much of the evil perpe- 
trated by the Democratic regime that preceded it. 

HOW WE CREATED GREATER NEW YORK 

When in 1896 news came from Albany that 
Governor Morton had approved the bill creating 

298 



The ulutohiogrdphi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

the Greater New York, I received a call from the 
late Andrew H. Green, chairman of the Greater 
New York Commission. Bubbling over with jov, 
that venerable patriot grasped me by the hand 
and exclaimed: *'I came in to express my grati- 
tude to the Father of the Greater New York." 

As I returned his grip, I could not refrain from 
saying: "And I desire to express my apprecia- 
tion of the marvelous devotion and work of the 
Grandfather of the Greater New York." 

Green had been a pioneer in the movement for 
the consolidation of New York, Kings, Queens and 
Eichmond counties into one imperial city. For 
upward of twenty years this far-seeing citizen 
had labored to bring into union the people on 
Manhattan, Long and Staten islands. The rea- 
lization of his dreams made him very happy. 

To Andrew H. Green must be accorded the 
greatest measure of praise for the establishment 
of what now is popularly known as the Greater 
City of New York. 

Of the part I played in aiding in the enter- 
prise I prefer that another than myself should 
speak. No man is more competent to do this than 
Clarence Lexow, who as a State Senator led the 
fight at Albany for the enactment of the legisla- 
tion that resulted in bringing into one munici- 
pality three large cities and four counties. Sena- 
tor Lexow has graciously reduced to writing for 
these reminiscences his observations. I am glad 
to include them here. Here is Lexow 's own ver- 

299 



The Antahio^raphy of Thomas Collier Piatt 

sion as to how the Greater New York came into 
being : 

LEXOW RECITES HOW IT WAS DONE 

No history of the creation of the Greater City 
would be complete that failed to accord to Senator 
Piatt a large and, in some respects, a determina- 
tive share in the struggle that preceded the final 
triumph of the movement. A brief review of the 
facts may be useful. The popular movement it- 
self may be said to have had its practical incep- 
tion in the Legislative session of 1890, when a 
commission was authorized by the Legislature, 
known as the Municipal Consolidation Commis- 
sion, to inquire into the situation, and report its 
conclusions. This, after an extended inquiry, re- 
ported in a memorial, addressed to the Governor 
and the Legislature, in favor of municipal con- 
solidation. 

At this juncture, prominent citizens in large 
numbers, but in a minoritv in the citv of Brook- 
lyn, organized an aggressive opposition and con- 
centrated the social and political activities of that 
city against the further progress of the move- 
ment. So successful were they then in paralyzing 
the efforts of the great majority standing behind 
consolidation, that for the next three vears, every 
Legislative measure designed to cnny consolida- 
tion into effect was either strangled in committee 
or mot defeat on the floor. 

Finally, in the session of 1894, a compromise 

300 



The Autobiography of IViornas Collier Piatt 

was effected, and the first important step foi'ward 
was taken in the enactment of a bill, providing 
for the submission of the question of consolida- 
tion at the next general election to the electors 
of the several municipalities directly affected. 
This compromise was forced by disquieting ru- 
mors which the anti-consolidationists had actively 
spread throughout the State, predicting that con- 
solidation was certain to result in the subjection 
of the city of Brooklyn to the dominion of Tam- 
many Hall, coupled with the assertion that Brook- 
lyn, then about evenly divided in political affilia- 
tions, was strongly opposed to consolidation. The 
referendum resulted in a popular expression in 
favor of consolidation, the majority in the city 
of New York exceeding 40,000, while that in the 
city of Brooklyn was less than 300. 

Immediately upon the convening of the Legis- 
lature, in the session of 1895, a bill providing for 
consolidation, drawn at the instance of the first 
commission under the inspiration of the late An- 
drew H. Green, was introduced by the writer, and 
was followed by other proposed measures of a 
similar character, but loaded down with provisions 
for equal taxation, autonomous governments, etc., 
having for their purpose directly or indirectly to 
obscure the true issue and defeat the project. 

In the meanwhile, the opposition had perfected 
its organization, under the name of the Loyal 
League of Brooklyn, established a local bureau 
at Albany, and numerous agencies throughout the 

301 



The Autohiography of Tliomas Collier Piatt 

State, equipped with ample resources to carry on 
an aggressive campaign. The small majority in 
Brooklyn was pointed to as of no binding effect 
upon the Legislature, and the ghost of Tammany 
domination was held up before the Republicans 
of the State, who were cajoled with promises and 
threatened with dire consequences to future party 
success, if the bill for consolidation was enacted 
into law. 

The friends of municipal consolidation had per- 
fected no organization to meet such an attack, and 
after a bitter, prolonged struggle in the Senate, 
the bill failed of passage. 

**PLATT COMES TO THE RESCUE" 

It was at this juncture that Senator Piatt, who 
until then had not taken an active interest in the 
question, was requested to come to the rescue and 
exercise his powerful influence in favor of consoli- 
dation. He hesitated at first to enter the field, 
after so strong and direct an expression of Re- 
publican opposition, especially in view of the pro- 
nounced hostility to the movement on the part 
of many of the most influential party leaders, who, 
in other matters, were among his most devoted 
friends. Notably was this true of Benjamin B. 
Odell, Jr., then chairman of the State committee, 
and for two terms Governor of the State. Indeed, 
it required unusual courage, under the circum- 
stances, to undertake a task so fraught with ap- 

302 



Tlie AutobiograpJii/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

parent political peril, and so bitterly antagonized 
by powerful interests, deceived by the threats and 
catchwords of the opposition — antagonism based 
in the main upon questions involving future party 
supremacy. 

The fate, certainly for the present generation, 
if not forever, of the creation of Greater New 
York hung in the balance during these days that 
Senator Piatt devoted to a careful examination 
of the many questions involved, as well as those 
of the present and of the future, because as after- 
ward clearly appeared, there was no influence of 
sufficient magnitude in this State to have secured 
the favorable passage of the bill, had his decision 
then been adverse to the project. But the dic- 
tates of patriotic and constructive statesmanship 
overcame the over-cautious fears of the politician. 

CONSOLIDATION EIGHT AND LOGICAL. 

Senator Piatt reached the decision that con- 
solidation was right and logical and necessary to 
the complete and rational development of the 
metropolis; that it, moreover, involved none of 
the dangers which its opponents flamboyantly 
predicted, but on the contrary was an irrepressi- 
ble movement which, aside from the glamor of 
greatness, was inspired by consideration of com- 
mercial expansion and supremacy of a city whose 
existence as the metropolis of this hemisphere 
was being threatened. No sooner did the Senator 

303 



T}ie Autohiographjj of Thomas Collier Piatt 

reaoh this conclusion, than an organization against 
consolidation was met bv a more effective organi- 
zation in favor of municipal union. And at the 
opening of the Legislative session of 1896, two 
organizations confronted each other, in probably 
the most aggressive and in some respects most 
theatrical struggle for supremacy that has ever 
been witnessed at the State capital. 

A campaign of education was launched, and 
under a concurrent resolution of the Legislature, a 
committee, of which the writer was chairman, was 
appointed to inquire into the situation, particu- 
larly in the city of Brooklyn, and report its con- 
clusions. Hearings were had both in New York 
City and Brookl\Ti, and later in the capitol at 
Albany. By a unanimous vote the committee re- 
ported in favor of consolidation and presented a 
bill to accomplish that object. It was then that 
the real contest in the Legislature developed. And 
while the bill met no serious obstacle in the Sen- 
ate, it was not until the last vote in the Assembly 
was counted that its success became assured. 

THE STRUGGLE CLOSE AND BITTER 

Seldom, in all the many bitter contests that 
have been developed on the floor of the Assembly 
Chamber, has there ever been witnessed so fierce 
and close a struggle as attended the passage of 
this bill. 

It required all Senator Piatt's energj', and the 

304 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

full weight of his influence throughout the State, 
to secure a constitutional majority. Those who 
were active in that impressive drama, and espe- 
cially those who participated in the steps leading 
up to its final climax, fully appreciate the rest- 
less activity and indomitable courage that ani- 
mated the Senator during the anxious hours when 
the strongest and bitterest opponents of the bill 
were to be counted among his otherwise strongest 
friends and party followers. 

They fully appreciate that but for his self-deny- 
ing efforts, at the risk of the alienation of friends 
on every side, and but for his unselfish devotion 
to a great principle of public policy, New York 
would not be crowned to-day with the diadem of 
imperial city of the Western Hemisphere. To 
Senator Piatt, indeed, belongs the highest credit 
for this, perhaps the greatest creative measure 
that has been placed upon the statute books of 
the State. 

Senator Piatt's interest in Greater New York 
did not abate with the mere Legislative creation 
of the metropolis. On the contrary, the commis- 
sion which was appointed to frame the charter, 
and the Legislative committee which was contin- 
ued as an auxiliary to aid in that respect, con- 
ferred repeatedly with the Senator throughout 
the summer of 1896, and many of the Senator's 
suggestions upon questions of general importance 
and policy were approved and embodied in the 

305 



The AutoJ)ioffrophj/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

charter wliicli was jDassed at the next session of 
the Legislature. 

Many may aspire to recognition as pioneers 
in the great movement for municipal union. IMany 
may claim the rendition of distinguished ser\'ice 
during the evolutionary stages and in the final 
successful accomplishment. The name of Andrew 
H. Green will be remembered as long as the mem- 
ory of the Greater New York itself lasts, as the 
indefatigable advocate and unswerving champion 
of the cause. But no history of that ideal con- 
ception and mar\^elous creation will be truthful 
or adequate which fails to concede to Senator Piatt 
the undeniable tribute that his work, energ>' and 
self-denial made Greater New York possible of 
achievement for the present generation. 

THE ** clincher" TO MORTON 

(Note by the Editor.) 
That Governor Morton originally was by no 
means favorable to the Greater New York enter- 
prise, and had to be admonished by Senator Piatt 
that he would lose his support for the Presidential 
nomination, unless he approved the consolidation 
act, is revealed in a letter addressed to the Gover- 
nor earlv in Januarv of 1896. Senator Piatt then 
sent the Governor a personal note that is believed 
to have induced him to finally employ his influence 
for the enactment of the consolidation law, and 
attach his signature to it. 

306 



llie AutohiograpJiy of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Here is Senator Piatt's *' clincher" to Governor 
Morton : 

49 Broadway, New York, 

January 3, 1896. 
{Confidential.) 
Hon. Levi P. Morton, 

Executive Chamber, Albany. 
My De.ui Governor: 

I put it mildly when I say to you that I was 
disgusted and disheartened when General Tracy 
handed me yesterday your letter to him of Decem- 
ber 31st, relative to Greater New York. When 
we sought and had the conference with you at 
General Tracy's house on this question, it was 
for the jDurpose of having definitely settled what 
your position would be on this great question. 
There could have been no misunderstanding on 
your part as to what was our intention and pur- 
pose in that interview with you, because our en- 
tire programme was definitely stated and thor- 
oughly explained, and we went away from that 
conference understanding that you were in full 
accord and would stand by us to the end. Now, at 
the very opening of the Legislature, as I have ex- 
pressed it to you before, you "take to the woods" 
and are leaving us in the lurch. Nothing can be 
done in this matter if you are going to pursue the 
same policy that you did last year with reference 
to legislation in this city, and open a back-fire on 
our friends in the Legislature, not only with cer- 
tain members of the Legislature, but with the 

307 



The Autohiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

newspaper correspondents. I say to you that this 
whole business utterly discourages and demoral- 
izes me; and it makes me wonder lehat would he 
the result if you succeeded in becoming President 
of the United States and had to meet such issues 
as are involved in the questions of the present 
hour, for instance, the Venezuelan question and 
the Bond question. Your message on the subject 
of Greater New York was, to put it mildly, as 
weak as dishwater; last year you were quite out- 
spoken. Evidently the raid on you by Mr. Low and 
Company had its eifect. You understood at the 
interview above referred to that this was what 
was likely to happen; that the enemies of the 
measure would do everything in their power to 
prevent the passage of this bill and would resort 
to just the arguments that they are using; and 
would do everything in their power to intimidate 
you. This was our reason for calling upon you, 
so that we might know that you would stand firmly 
by the programme. These men who have been 
visiting you from Brooklyn are, as you well know, 
the men who are the champions of the opposition. 
The great mass of the people, both in New York 
City and Brooklyn, who favor consolidation, have 
not such a personal interest in the matter that 
they take the trouble to visit you and express their 
views. If it is necessary to deluge you with letters 
from good men in BrookljTi, in order to stiffen 
you up, it is a very easy matter to do it, and we 
can have large committees appointed to wait upon 

308 



The Autohiogrciphij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

you with reference to that question. I had sup- 
posed from the beginning that you were in favor 
of it as a matter of public policy. I have a sus- 
picion that our good friend, Colonel Cole, your 
private secretary, has been frightened by these 
shadows, and is also in favor of "taking to the 
woods." Now, as one of the results of your letter 
to General Tracy, Senator Lexow positively de- 
clines to be the Chainnan of the Cities Committee, 
for the reason that he says he does not wish to suf- 
fer the same humiliations and sad experiences that 
he did last year from Executive back-fire, and 
through your interference and opposition. This 
is equivalent to demoralization at the outset. And 
if you are to persist in the policy which you have 
outlined in your letter, we might as well quit right 
where we are and not introduce any resolution or 
bill for Greater New York; but I assure you that 
you will be the greater sufferer from such a cow- 
ardly policy. In siich case I idll not feel like tak- 
ing off my coat a/nd doing the icorh I contemplated 
doing in the Presidential matter. I might as well 
be frank with you now. If matters of legislation 
are to be run on the issue of the Presidential can- 
didacy, it will be impossible for us to accomplish 
anything upon any questions which involve sharp 
differences of opinion, however strongly the bal- 
ance may be in favor of the course which the 
organization is recommending. 

Now, in conclusion, let me say, while I have 
spoken with great frankness and freedom in this 

309 



The xiutobiograp'hij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

matter, I do not want you to take any offense. 
You know it is my way always to speak out in 
meeting; and it is a great deal better to say what 
I have to say than to let it rankle. 

Yours truly, 

T. C. Platt. 

MY FAEEWELL SONG 

February 12, 1896, I recall with tenderness. It 
was on that night that I sang in public for the last 
time. It was at a dinner of the Progress Club, of 
the Tenth Assembly District, New York County. 
I had indeed become the "Old Man," as my boys 
fondly called me. My voice trembled both through 
lack of strength and much emotion. I did my 
best to lead the chorus with my favorite — Julia 
Ward Howe's ''Battle Hymn of the Republic." 

I got as far as: "In the beauty of the lilies, 
Christ was bom across the sea " 

Then I guess I broke down. 

But the boys took up the chorus and ripped out : 
"Glory, Glory, Hallelujah!" with a lustiness that 
brought a big lump in my throat. 

MY GREATEST TRIUMPH THE GOLD VICTORY OF '9G 

It was in 1896 that I scored what I regard as 
the greatest achievement of my political career. 
That was the insertion of the gold plank in the 
St. Louis platform. Early in his first term in 

310 ' 



> 



TJie Autohioirraphji of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Congress, William McKinley, of Ohio, had first 
espoused the cause of bi-metallism, and then all 
but declared that the white instead of the yellow 
metal should be the standard of monetary value. 
Mark A. Hanna, who had assumed the manage- 
ment of the campaign whose ultimate object was 
to name and elect McKinley successor to Presi- 
dent Cleveland, sent agents through the country 
two years in advance of the National Convention, 
pledging his choice to gold in gold States, and 
silver in silver States. In Wyoming, for instance, 
the delegates to St. Louis were instructed to sup- 
port McKinley and use all honorable means to 
secure the adoption of a platform declaring for 
free silver. 

Within the first few months of Levi P. Morton's 
term as Governor of New York I becanie convinced 
that he would prove admirable Presidential tim- 
ber. He had been Ambassador to Prance, had 
proved a dignified and polished Vice-President, 
possessed the confidence of business interests the 
world over, and had already established himself 
as the safest Governor New York ever had. Re- 
publicans and Democrats and Independents began 
writing me almost from the day of Morton's in- 
auguration in January, 1895, that if he were to 
head the Presidential ticket, his election was a 
certainty. They urged that having defeated 
David B. Hill by 156,000 plurality in 1894. after 
the Democrats had carried the State almost con- 

311 



The Aiitohiographij of Thomas Collier Plait 

stantlv since 1881, he would be sure to carry it 
for the Presidency in 1896. 

I SUPPORT MORTON FOR PRESIDENT 

So universal seemed the demand for Morton 
that I finally formally declared m3'self in favor of 
the nomination of the Governor for the Presi- 
dency. 

Almost immediately newspapers and other ad- 
vocates of the nomination of McKinley turned 
their batteries upon Morton and myself. Mark 
A. Hanna started a campaign for his favorite in 
New York State. Believing that New York pos- 
sessed a right to express a preference for one of 
her sons, we combated the invasion of the McKin- 
ley champions. They seemed disposed to regard 
Morton as an interloper, and refused to recognize 
any claims New York might have to name the 
Presidential candidate. When assaults upon the 
choice of New York became intolerable, we con- 
cluded that we would strike back. I stated my 
objections to the nomination of Mr. McKinley as 
clearly as I could in a public utterance, May 11, 
1896. Here are the main points of it : 

WHY I OPPOSED m'KINLEY 

"My opposition to Governor McKinley proceeds 
almost entirely from my belief that his nomination 
would bring the Republican party into turmoil and 

312 



The AutobiograpJiij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

trouble. He is not a well-balanced man of affairs. 
Governor McKinley is not a great man as Mr. 
Reed (Thomas B.) is. He is not a trained and 
educated public man as Senator Allison is. He 
is not an astute political leader as Senator Quay 
is. He is simply a clever gentleman, much too 
amiable and much too impressionable to be safely 
intrusted with great executive office; whose de- 
sire for honor happens to have the accidental ad- 
vantage of the association of his name with the 
last Eepublican protective tariff. 

"There are two qualities — resolution and cour- 
age — ^which the joeople always require in their 
chief magistrate. McKinley represents the most 
radical and extreme view of protection. I fore- 
see the greatest dangers to the Republican party 
as the result of extreme tariff legislation. 

''Fully as important as the tariff bill — yes, more 
so — is the measure that must be devised to render 
our currency system intelligible, safe and elastic. 
If Major McKinley has any real convictions on 
the subject of the currency, they are not revealed 
in his votes or his speeches. 

HE VOTED FOR A FIFTY-CENT DOLLAR I 

*'He voted once for free and unlimited coin- 
age of silver. He voted to override the veto of 
President Haves of the Bland bill, and at times 
he has voted in direct conflict with these votes. 
He has described himself as a bi-metallist ; as in 

313 



21ie ^iutohi()fj;rai)hij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

favor of the free coinage of both metals. His Ohio 
platform proposes another experiment in silver 
coinage, such as the Bland-Allison act or the Sher- 
man law, with the party between the metals en- 
forced by legislation. 

' ' This should remove McKinley from the list of 
Presidential possibilities. The people of this 
country have had enough of the attempts to force 
fifty cents worth of silver into circulation as a 
dollar. They have suffered incalculable losses 
as a result of twenty years of such politics." 

"Whether or not this declaration wielded any 
influence in the outcome of the New York Repub- 
lican State Convention, it is nevertheless the fact 
that that convention instructed the delegation to 
the National Convention at St. Louis to vote first, 
last and all the time for Morton for the Presi- 
dential nomination. 

Our delegation went to St. Louis. Attacks upon 
Morton, particularly from the McKinley camp, 
continued. Hanna and his friends sought by every 
means in their power to render null and void the 
instructions of the New York State Convention. 
Until the New York representatives reached the 
convention city, there appeared to be a determined 
disposition on the part of Hanna and others who 
conducted the McKinley canvass to pledge the 
party to a straddle on the currency question. New 
York and the Eastern States generally made up 
their minds that the convention should declare 

314 



The Autobiographi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

unequivocally for the gold standard. Senator 
Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts; the late 
Joseph H. Manley, manager for Thomas B. Reed ; 
the late Samuel Fessenden, of Connecticut; My- 
ron T. Herrick, of Ohio; H. H. Kohlsaat, of Illi- 
nois; Governor Merriam, of Minnesota; Henry 
C. Payne, of Wisconsin, afterward Postmaster- 
General; Congressman AYatson and State Chair- 
man Gowdy, of Indiana; Senator Eedfield Proc- 
tor, of Vermont and others, united with us in 
seeking to point out the fatal blunder that would 
be committed if we failed to put ourselves on 
record for sound money against the debased cur- 
rency plan which was being advocated by Senator 
Henry M. Teller, of Colorado, and other devotees 
of the white metal. 

That the attitude of New York might be empha- 
sized, the delegation was called into caucus on 
June 15, one day prior to the assembling of the 
convention. The McKinley managers sought at 
the outset to capture the delegation by trying to 
force the selection of former U. S. Senator "War- 
ner Miller for chairman and spokesman for the 
delegation. Of course, that precipitated a stormy 
contest. For the moment the money question was 
forgotten in the strife provoked by the effort of 
Hanna and other McKinley advocates to control 
us. 



315 



TJie Autohiographi/ of Tlwmas Collier Piatt 



I HAD TO BEAT MILLER AGAIN" 

Miller had himself formally presented for chair- 
man. Very reluctantly I consented that mv name 
also should be submitted. My friends urged that 
inasmuch as the battle seemed to be directed 
against Morton, myself and the gold standard, I 
ought to be the man about whom the allies of Mor- 
ton and a sound money plank must rally. 

Chauncey M. Depew was chosen temporary 
chairman. He did his best, in a diplomatic speech, 
to produce harmony, but the McKinley men seemed 
spoiling for a fight. Warner Miller delivered a 
savage attack upon those delegates who still per- 
sisted in supporting Morton. He had been chosen 
delegate upon the express pledge that he would 
be as loyal to Morton as any of the Governor's 
adherents. "What promise was made to Miller 
by the McKinley managers as a reward for his 
change, I do not know. Miller's speech enraged 
all delegates who believed that promises were 
made to be fulfilled and instructions to be obeyed. 
Convinced that he could not be chosen chairman 
of the delegation, Miller sought to effect a com- 
promise by suggesting Depew. Depew declined 
the honor. Miller renewed his strictures upon the 
Morton men, and assailed me for my opposition 
to McKinley. Perhaps as effective a reply as any 
to him was made by Thurlow Weed Barnes when 
he asked: ''A^Hio is entitled to the greater honor 
— a man who comes out squarely and makes a 

316 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

fight, or a man who sneaked into this delegation 
\nth a knife in his sleeve?" 

Senator John Raines furiously shook his fist 
in Miller's face, and hissed: "You are the chief 
of the kickers in New York. You have been faith- 
less in everything, faithful in nothing!" 

After a morning session, and another late in the 
afternoon, I was elected chairman by a vote of 
53 to 17 for Miller. That clinched the delegation 
for Morton and the gold standard. There fol- 
lowed the declaration of New York and its dele- 
gates on the currency question. Lemuel Ely Quigg 
offered the resolution. It ran as follows: 

NEW YORK FOR A HUNDRED-CENT DOLLAR 

Whereas, The New York delegation favors and 
heartily supports the strongest system that can 
be devised, it recognizes the imperative necessity 
of maintaining the present gold standard of value 
and condemning the free coinage of silver. 

Eesolved, That the representative of the dele- 
gation on the Committee on Resolutions be in- 
structed to present to that committee the follow- 
ing as the sense of the delegation and recommend 
its adoption: 

Resolved, That we favor the maintenance of 
the present gold standard, and are opposed to 
the free coinage of silver, except by international 
agreement for bi-metallism, with the leading com- 
mercial nations of the world. 

317 



The Autobiography of T'hoinas Collier Piatt 

This was unanimously adopted, Miller and other 
McKinley men offering no opposition. 

But when Abraham Gruber submitted a resolu- 
tion renewing the pledge of the New York con- 
vention, that every delegate stick to Morton to 
the finish, the McKinley supporters opposed it. 
We carried it through by a vote of 56 to 13. 

Edward Lauterbach, in obedience to the instruc- 
tions of the delegation, submitted the gold reso- 
lution to the committee. The influence of New 
York was manifested when the Committee on 
Eesolutions approved, and later the convention 
followed suit with the adoption of this genuine 
gold plank: 

THE PLANK WE FORCED 

The Eepublican party is unreservedly for sound 
money. 

It caused the enactment of the law providing 
for the resumption of specie payments in 1S79. 
Since then, every dollar has been as good as gold. 
We are unalterably oi-)posed to every measure 
calculated to debase our currency or impair the 
credit of our country. We are therefore opposed 
to the free coinage of silver, except by interna- 
tional agreement with the leading commercial na- 
tions of the world, which we pledge ourselves to 
promote. And until such an agreement can be 
obtained, the existing gold standard must be pre- 
served. All the silver and paper currency now 

318 



The Autohioffraphi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

in circulation must be maintained at parity with 
gold, and we favor all measures designed to main- 
tain inviolably the obligations of the United 
States, and all money in coin or paper, at the 
present standard of the most enlightened nations 
on earth. 

I doubt if I can better relate the accurate his- 
tory of the struggle over the gold plank at St. 
Louis than by quoting from memoranda prepared 
by Charles W. Hackett, chairman of the New 
York Eepublican State Committee, 1896. He 
was in the thick of the combat, and was invaluable 
to us in securing the victory we achieved. Hack- 
ett drew up the notes before his death, as an 
answer to statements of certain Republicans, hos- 
tile to our regular organization, who sought to 
deprive the New York and New England delega- 
tions of the credit of placing the party and its 
candidates squarely on the gold standard 
platform. 

HANNA WOULD HAVE STRADDLED 

Hackett wrote: 

**So far as the credit for what was done is 
concerned, the friends of Mr. Piatt and Senator 
Lodge are more than satisfied with the newspaper 
reports that were printed at the time. They told 
who did it. They showed the essential fact that 
Mr. Hanna and those who were working with him 

319 



TJie Autohio^rapfii/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

came to St, Louis with a straddle. Below I give 
the original Hanna plank, in contrast with the 
plank that was finally adopted by the convention. 

''Original Hanna plank: 

**The Eepublican party is unreservedly for 
sound money. 

"It caused the enactment of the law pro- 
viding for the resumption of specie payments 
in 1879. Since then, every dollar has been as 
good as gold. We are unalterably opposed to 
every measure calculated to debase our currency 
or impair the credit of our country. We are 
therefore opposed to the free coinage of silver, 
except by international agreement with the lead- 
ing commercial nations of the world, and until 
such agreement can be obtained the existing stand- 
ard must be preserved. We favor the use of silver 
in our currency to the extent only that its parity 
with gold can be maintained, and we favor all 
measures designed to maintain our money, 
whether coin or paper, at the present standard, 
the standard of the most enlightened nations of 
the earth. 



< < 



Plank as adopted by the convention: 
''The Eepublican party is unreser\'edly for 
sound money. 

"It caused the enactment of the law providing 
for the resumption of specie payments in 1879. 
Since then, every dollar has been as good as gold. 

320 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

We are unalterably opposed to every measure 
calculated to debase our currency or impair the 
credit of our countrj\ We are therefore opposed 
to the free coinage of silver, except by interna- 
tional agreement with the leading commercial 
nations of the world, ivhich ive pledge ourselves 
to promote, and until such agreement can be ob- 
tained, the existing Gold standard must be pre- 
served. All our silver and paper currency mu^t 
he maintained at parity ivith gold, and we favor 
all measures designed to maintain inviolably the 
obligations of the United States, and all our 
money, whether coin or paper, at the present 
standard, the standard of the most enlightened 
nations of the earth. 

A FIGHT FOR HONEST MONEY 

''A comparison of these two planks shows ex- 
actly what the fight of Senator Piatt and Senator 
Lodge, backed by the New York and New England 
delegations, accomplished for the cause of honest 
money, for the credit of the Eepublican party and 
for the good of the countrj^ The two planks are 
identical until the clause is reached in which the 
possibility of an international agreement is men- 
tioned, and in that clause we conceded the inser- 
tion of the words 'which we pledge ourselves to 
promote,' and in return for that we obtained three 
concessions. They were : 

"First — The insertion of the world 'gold' in 

321 



The Autcjhioi^raphii of Thomas Collier Piatt 

the expression 'the existing standard,' so as to 
make it read 'the existing gold standard.' 

"Second — The striking out of the clause: 'We 
favor the use of silver in our currency, but to the 
extent only that the parity with gold can be main- 
tained,' and the substitution for that clause of 
the following: 'AH our silver and paper cur- 
rency must be maintained at parity with gold'; 
and 

"Third— The insertion of the words 'the obli- 
gations of the United States' in the clause declar- 
ing that all our currency must be maintained at 
the present standard. 

HOW WE DEFEATED THE " STRADDLE" 

"Mr. Piatt and his party arrived at St. Louis 
on Thursday, June 11. They directed their at- 
tention at once to the financial plank. They found 
that the sentiment of such delegates as were then 
on the ground was strongly in favor of what Mr. 
Hanna was quoted as calling 'the middle ground' 
—in other words, a straddle. At Mr. Piatt's in- 
stance, the New York delegates, as they arrived, 
were urged to combat this idea at all points. 
Not much was accomplished on Friday and Satur- 
day. The contests that were going on in the Na- 
tional Committee created a great deal of feeling 
and distracted attention from the controversy 
about the platform. But the National Committee 
completed its work on Saturday night, and by 

322 



The xiutohiograpliy of Thomas Collier Piatt 

that time the delegates had arrived from all 
parts of the country and fully four-fifths of the 
members of the convention were present on the 
groimd. It was then that the struggle over the 
platform began in good earnest. 

''Senator Lodge arrived on Sunday morning 
and e^me immediately to Mr. Piatt's headquarters. 
They found one another to be of the same mind 
as to the kind of plank that must be adopted, and 
as to their purpose to fight for it. Mr. Lodge 
called upon Mr. Hanna and found him engaged 
in reading and re\dsing the speech of the tem- 
porary chairman, Mr. Fairbanks. That was Sun- 
day afternoon. Mr. Fairbanks' speech was given 
to the press the next day. It did not contain the 
word 'gold.' It mentioned 'honest money' and 
'sound money' and 'sound standard,' but the word 
'gold,' which was the vital point of the whole 
controversy, did not appear. This proves what 
the intention of Mr. Hanna and his friends was 
on Sunday afternoon, when they had completed 
the revision of Mr. Fairbanks' speech. 

"Mr. Hanna told Mr. Lodge that while he was 
as good a gold man as anybody else, he was not 
in favor of driving away from the Republican 
party those great numbers of Eepublicans in the 
South and West to whom the use of the word 
'gold' in the platform would be offensive. Mr. 
Lodge replied that he did not think there were 
any such Republicans, except in the silver-produc- 
ing States. He argued that the Republican party 

323 



The Aut(jbiou;rap}tii of Thomas Collier Piatt 

meant 'gold,' and ought to say so, and he said 
plainly that nnless the word 'gold' was in the plat- 
form there would be a fight on the floor of the 
convention. Mr. Hanna asked what delegation 
would make the fight, and Mr. Lodge replied that 
the Massachusetts would, for one. Mr. Hanna 
asked what delegations would support Massachu- 
setts, and Mr. Lodge replied that the New York 
delegation would. Mr. Hanna said that he was 
otherwise informed, and Mr. Lodge left with the 
impression that the use of the word 'gold' would 
not be conceded. 

AN INVINCIBLE COMBINATION FOR GOLD 

"When Mr. Lodge informed Mr. Piatt of the 
results of his conversation with Mr. Hanna, a 
conference was at once called by Mr. Piatt of the 
sound money States. New York, New England, 
Pennsylvania, Maryland, New Jersey, Wisconsin, 
Washington, Tennessee, Minnesota and Illinois 
were represented at this conference, and it was 
determined to carrj'' the fight on the floor of the 
convention. A brief and simple gold plank was 
adopted as embodying the sense of the conference. 

"This was on Sunday night. The next day, 
Congressman Quigg had an interview with Gen- 
eral Grosvernor and Mr. Herrick, of Ohio, and 
Governor Merriam, of Minnesota. Ho showed 
them the proposed gold plank, named the delega- 
tions that would support it, and informed them 

324 



TJie Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

that the fight would have to go into the convention 
unless an agreement could be reached which would 
place the party squarely in favor of the gold 
standard. Mr. Quigg was informed that there 
was a disposition to meet the views of the New 
York and New England delegations. All day 
Monday the struggle went on, New York and New 
England delegates visiting the delegations from 
other States and reporting to Mr. Lodge and Mr. 
Piatt as to the strength that could be commanded 
in the convention in the event of a fight there. Be- 
fore nightfall it was evident that we had a ma- 
jority of the convention. 

**That night Governor Merriam came to Mr. 
Piatt, and Mr. Kohlsaat went to Mr. Lodge, with 
a draft of the original Hanna plank with the word 
'gold' inserted, and with the statement that it 
would be conceded. Mr. Piatt sent for Mr, Lodge, 
and, upon his arrival — Mr. Lauterbach, Mr. Quigg 
and Mr. Hackett being also present — the Hanna 
plank was considered in detail. Mr. Lauterbach, 
who had been appointed as the New York repre- 
sentative on the Committee on Resolutions, de- 
clared that he could not assent to any plank which 
did not say distinctly that all the obligations of 
the United States should be paid in gold. Objec- 
tion was also made to the sentence 'We favor the 
use of silver as money, to the extent only that its 
parity with gold can be maintained,' on the ground 
that this would be considered as lending counte- 
nance to further purchase of silver, because, in 

325 



The Autohiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

the view of the silver men, much more silver than 
the sum now in use could be maintained. Mr. 
Hanna's plank was revised at this conference and 
put in the form in which it was finally adopted 
by the convention, and with the distinct assurance 
of Mr. Piatt and Mr. Lodge that nothing else 
would be accepted. 

HANNA CAPITULATES 

''When this conference was ended the fight was 
ended. We knew before we went to bed that night 
that our demands were acceded to. Nor can any 
amount of post-mortem cavil take the credit of 
this victory from the men whose courage and per- 
tinacity earned it. 

*'I do not myself think that the Ohio managers 
were sentimentally opposed to the use of the word 
'gold.' They simply did not want to magnify the 
money issue or offend what they believed to be 
a widespread Southern and Western opinion. The 
statements of Southern and Western delegates, 
however, showed that the Ohio managers were 
mistaken in their idea of Eepublican opinion in 
the South and West, and that the sound money 
sentiment among Republicans in those sections 
is almost as general and as earnest as it is with 
us in the East." 



326 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

"PLATT MADE m'KINLEY's ELECTION CERTAIN" 

General Clarkson again has kindly paid me this 
compliment: "In virtually forcing gold into the 
Republican platform, as by his skilful organiza- 
tion and the assembling of irresistible forces he 
did, when McKinley, Hanna, and the great mass 
of party leaders with him were in fact opposed 
to it, Senator Piatt succeeded and, in suc<?eeding, 
made McKinley 's election possible. The cynics 
said at the time that he did it to load McKinley 
down and defeat him. The result proved that 
McKinley would have been defeated without it. 
In the campaign for election, Mr. Piatt, in supple- 
ment to Mr. Hanna and his most masterful cam- 
paign, contributed the final certainty of McKin- 
ley 's success — giving again with Hanna, as he 
had done with Quay, the saving moiety of votes 
without which the party and McKinley would have 
failed." 

m'kinley nominated 

Though Morton was defeated and McKinley 
nominated, to New York and its band of delegates 
must be ascribed the lion's share of the credit 
for preventing the approval of a meaningless 
money plank. We returned home and worked like 
beavers for McKinlev and Hobart, satisfied that 
we had voiced the sentiment of our State on all 
questions, and won on the one that, if Hanna and 
other powerful leaders had had their way, would 

327 




WILLIAM McKINLEY 
328 



The Azitobiugraphy of Thomas Collier Piatt 

have resulted in defeat at the polls and a stain up- 
on the escutcheon, not only of the party, but the 
National Government, 

BLACK NAMED AND ELECTED GOVERNOR 

"We rolled up over a quarter of a million plu- 
rality for the national ticket, and somewhat less 
for our State nominees, headed by Frank S. Black, 
the candidate for Governor, i 

Black was nominated after one of the most rous- 
ing free-for-all State conventions the party had 
had since war days. Speaker Hamilton Fish, 
George W. Aldridge, Lieutenant-Governor Charles 
T. Saxton, Benjamin B, Odell, Jr,, and others were 
among the aspirants. The rivalry became so in- 
tense that James J. Belden and a number of the 
old Ha If -Breed combination importuned me to 
settle it by taking the nomination myself. Belden, 
while Milholland rooters outside my cottage were 
singing "Hang Tom Piatt to a Sour Apple Tree !" 
purred to me — and Belden was a sly old political 
fox: 

"The boss of the party ought to be Governor. 
You are boss; therefore you should be Governor." 

I scented another Machiavellian trick to put me 
under the sod. I caught the gleam of Half-breed 
tomahawks and escaped them by replying: 
"When tried and true friends ask me to run for 
Governor, I may consider the proposition. No 



329 



The AiiiaJnugrapJu) of Thomas Collier Plait 

friends have yet urged it; therefore I shall not 
permit my name to go before the convention." 

I declined also to express any preference as to 
who should be nominated. After a three days' 
contest, during which several ballots were taken 
and Aldridge was in the lead, a conference of the 
leaders was called. At first it developed a ma- 
jority for Odell. So sure was Odell that he was 
to head the ticket that he joyously rushed to a 
telegraph office and wired his wife of his 
happiness. 

Meantime, however, Lou. Payn was very busy. 
So busy and so skilful was Pajm, that within a 
short time after Odell had seemed to be decided 
on, he pledged a majority of the leaders for Black. 

The conference reconvened and Black was se- 
lected, with Timothy L. Woodruff as bis running 
mate. 

The convention ratified the conference agree- 
ment. Odell was extremely disappointed that the 
delicious cup had been taken from his lips just 
as he was about to drink of it. But he proved a 
good soldier, and joined us in electing the nomi- 
nees, quite as eagerly as he would had his dearest 
wish been fulfilled. 

Black's resemblance to Abraham Lincoln, his 
matchless oratory and the fame he had won in 
sending election day murderers and repeaters to 
the electric chair and prison, made it easy to 
elect him and his associates, and secure an over- 
whelming majority in tlie Legislature. 

330 



The Autobiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 



HANNA, THE BUSINESS MAN IN POLITICS 

I doubt if I can more appropriately close this 
chapter than by testifying to the sagacious man- 
agement of the Presidential canvass, not only in 
1896, but in 1900, by Mark A. Hanna, as chairman 
of the National Committee, and my admiration 
for him as a man and associate United States 
Senator, and to my esteem for Levi P. Morton. 

Hanna typified the business man in politics. His 
advent as a power in his Ohio home was almost 
coincident with the passage of the McKinley tariff 
act in 1890. 

His chance, nationally, came when disaster, as 
a result of a misunderstanding of the new tariff 
act, shattered the Republican forces, not only in 
Ohio, but in other States. 

While other leaders were in the doldrums, 
Hanna reorganized the party in his State, and 
made McKinley, though he had been recently de- 
feated for return to Congress, Governor. 

Abundantly supplied with money, and able to 
command any number of millions he needed, 
Hanna really began his campaign to make McKin- 
ley President, immediately after the defeat of 
Harrison in 1892. He had the South practically 
solid before some of us awakened. Then he picked 
off enough Western and Pacific Slope States, be- 
fore the convention met, to render him and 
McKinley invincible in 1896. 



331 



The Aufobiagraphy of Thomas Collier Plait 

Hanna's success as chairman of the National 
Committee was due to the confidence business in- 
terests had in him, and the unprecedented and 
unlimited campaign fund on which he could draw. 

He would have been helpless without this. While 
Quay could and did win with or without money, 
Hanna would have been swamped without it. 

Hanna was a lovable character personally. His 
heart was as big as the house in which he lived. 
McKinley and he were as brothers. McKinley's 
tragic death quite broke Hanna's heart, and 
hastened his own demise. He survived the man 
he twice elevated to the Presidency only a few 
years. Had he lived a bit longer he might have 
been President. That appeared to be his ambi- 
tion. And had he succeeded Eoosevelt he would 
have proved a great President. 

MORTON, THE SAFE MAN 

Levi p. Morton was, in my judgment, the safest 
Governor New York ever had. Business experi- 
ence had taught him conservatism. He never was 
influenced by crazy theorists, but conducted his 
administration as he did his great private financial 
institutions. Two great statutes redound to the 
credit of his regime. One was the Raines liquor 
tax law, that absolutely divorced the rum traffic 
from politics and added at least fifteen millions to 
the annual revenues of the State and localities. 
The other was the creation of Greater New York. 

332 



The AutohiograpJiji of Tliomas Collier Piatt 

For his approval of both, Morton should be re- 
garded as a great public benefactor. He brought 
to the office the diplomatic skill acquired as Am- 
bassador to France and the dignity developed 
during a four years' term as Vice-President of 
the United States. 

Morton assumed the Governorship after twelve 
years of Democratic maladministration. Without 
beating of tom-toms or crash of cymbals, the "man 
from Wall Street," as his opponents were pleased 
to characterize him, quietly but judiciously reor- 
ganized the financial methods of the common- 
wealth and placed them upon a surplus-making 
instead of a deficiency basis. The people of New 
York may have had more spectacular and preten- 
tious rulers, but they never enjoyed the reign of a 
more sane, conscientious and incorruptible master 
than the one who was chief of the government 
from 1895 to 1897. 



333 



CHAPTER XVII 

1897-1898 

Personal and political attacks compel me to stand 
again for the Senate — Choate pitted against 
me by old-time enemies — Elected, hut keenly 
disappointed that I was not returned unani- 
mously — Views on protective tariff, finance 
and other national problems — The Low-Tracy 
mayoralty fight — Why I upheld Tracy. 

But for attacks upon my private and public 
character, I should never have been a candidate 
for office again. It so happened, however, that 
after the Presidential and State campaigns of 
1896, I was subjected to almost daily cuts and 
thrusts from enemies of the Republican party and 
the New York organization. Those who preferred 
to misunderstand me and my friends, saw fit to 
misconstrue every word and every act. 

Almost from the hour that the election returns 
disclosed the triumph of McKinley and Black, and 
insured a Republican majority in the Legislature, 
I was besought by loyal friends to permit my name 
to go before the Republican caucus for U. S. 
Senator. I had practically made up my mind that 
I would support almost anybody who had been 
devoted to the party and the organization, when a 

334 



2^ lie Autobiography of Thomas Collier Flatt 

campaign was inangiirated to make Joseph H. 
Choate the successor of David B. Hill. Though 
Mr. Choate had never been my political friend, I 
doubt if I should have offered obstinate opposition 
to his candidacy but for the virulent assaults his 
backers constantly leveled at me. I received many 
letters, telegrams and personal visits from those 
who had fought the battles of the party and the 
organization, no matter whether lost or won, im- 
ploring me to again become a candidate for the 
Senate. My reply was that I had no desire to 
return to Washington; that I preferred to devote 
myself to private business. 

But friends like Governor Morton; Postmaster 
Cornelius Van Cott, of New York; Governor- 
elect Black; Lieutenant-Governor-elect Woodruff; 
Chairman Hackett, of the Republican State Com- 
mittee, and others, kept at me, and I finally agreed 
that I would permit them to do as they saw fit. 

Toward the approach of the date for the Repub- 
lican caucus, my opponents began to hold mass 
meetings in various parts of the State, principally 
in Brooklvn and Buffalo. Thev praised Choate 
and abused me. Indeed, there was no crime, it 
seemed, with which T was not charged, and no 
virtue indicated that Choate did not possess. 

GENERAL CATLIN SMITES MY ASSAILANTS 

I might have still refused to be a candidate but 
for inexcusable and unwarranted maledictions 

335 



The Autohiograpliij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

upon me, delivered by the Rev. Dr. Richard S. 
Storrs ; former Mayor Charles A. Schieren ; James 
McKeen; Charles Stewart Smith, and others, at a 
Brooklyn meeting; and Sherman S. Rogers and 
others at a Buffalo gathering. The following cor- 
respondence between General Isaac S. Catlin and 
Dr. Storrs illustrates the venomous onslaughts 
made upon me, and how even those who had been 
opposed to me in factional controversies in the 
party resented them : 

BrookhTi, December 24, 1896. 
My Dear and Re\t:rend Sir: 

I understand you are among the number who 
have been invited to a meeting called in Brooklyn 
to advocate and promote the interests of Joseph 
H. Choate, Esq., in the coming canvass for U. S. 
Senator. I am happy that this may be so; for 
I am aware of your early relations with his dis- 
tinguished uncle, and of the fact that you enter- 
tain a very high regard and admiration for the 
nephew, in which I join. 

I also happen to know how exalted is your sense 
of justice, and how infinitely above entertaining 
feelings of malice and sentiments of personal ani- 
mosity against your fellowmen you are. I there- 
fore undertake to address you upon a subject that 
lies very near my heart, and in reference to a 
gentleman who has been mentioned as a probable 
candidate for the office to which Mr. Choate very 
properly aspires— Thomas C. Piatt. I have been 

336 



Jlie Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

so habitually and infamously attacked and slan- 
dered from time to time, since my entrance into 
public life, that I feel profound sympathy with 
any man about whose character and capabilities 
the public are i^iorant or have been outrageously 
misinformed. When I now read of the gross and 
vulgar charges made during their lives, against 
so many of the men of former days, who are 
enshrined in the hearts of millions of grateful 
people, I look with horror and indignation upon 
the same line of charges against so many men of 
the present day, who, after they have 'Sshufifled off 
this mortal coil," will in turn be undoubtedly re- 
membered as patriots, philanthropists or benefac- 
tors. Well, for years ''the depths and shoals of 
calumny have been sounded ; hatred, jealousy and 
baflfied intrigue have mingled their gall in bitter 
cruelty, and press and demagogue have vied with 
each other" in attacking the character and repu- 
tation of Mr. Piatt ; and I continue to use the lan- 
guage of the great Conkling and say he ''will live 
in grateful memory when those who have blasted 
his reputation have moldered in forgotten 
graves." 

I have known Mr. Piatt from boyhood. I have 
watched his course, whether in Tioga County, 
where we were both born, or in the larger sphere 
of action in Congress, and as leader of his party 
in the State; and though I have usually been in 
factional opposition to him, I undertake to say his 
methods and conduct in public affairs have been 

337 



TJie ylutobiograpJn/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

on the whole honorable, upright and honest. His 
progress in the successful management of politi- 
cal organizations has been slow but sure; starting 
out forty years ago with his own election district 
in the village of Owego, extending to the political 
control of that village, then of the county, then of 
the Senatorial and Congressional districts, and 
finally of his native State, where he stands as a 
conspicuous figure of national importance. I re- 
peat that Thomas C. Piatt has attained his present 
powerful position in his party and in the country 
by steady, cautious, conservative, persistent en- 
deavor, and by the use of fair and honorable 
methods. 

I shall recall his election and resignation as 
U. S. Senator and the defeat of his candidacy for 
reelection, simply to state that while at that time 
Mr. Conkling shared with him, and perhaps was 
foremost in, the leadership of the Republican 
party of the State, yet from time to time, from 
the date of the alleged ''crime" as charged against 
him by Dr. Parkhurst, he has concededly been the 
chief controlling influence, and the last ten years 
the acknowledged leader of the great Republican 
party of the Empire State. 

Is it probable that a criminal smirched with the 
stain of a flagrant moral offense could have at- 
tained such eminence in public affairs? "Which is 
the more probable — that he was guilty of the 
"crime" alleged by his personal and political ene- 
mies and by habitual slanderers, or that the in- 

338 



The yiutohiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

trigues of a jealous faction seeking to destroy him 
were at last baffled and routed entirely? 

But taking whichever view you may of this 
fifteen-year-old story, does the statute of limita- 
tions never run against a moral offense? Can 
such a ''crime" never be expiated and forgiven? 
Must a man in public life be met with a given 
moral shortcoming, until he escapes it in the tomb? 

Mr. Piatt is the head of large business interests, 
involving in turn the interests of hundreds and 
thousands of other people. He is president of a 
national bank, of a very large express company, 
and of one or more railroad companies, and sus- 
tains important financial relations with many 
other institutions as well as with many in- 
dividuals. 

At his three-score-and-four years, with his im- 
portant and far-reaching financial interests, with 
his acknowledged primacy in the Republican party 
of the State, who but one afflicted with paresis, or 
paralysis, would imagine that he would do any 
act, or allow any act to be done, to contravene 
what he believed to be the interests of the people 
as a whole? True, he is a practical politician, and 
he believes the success and ascendancy of the Re- 
publican party are for the best interests of the 
city. State and nation. I presume that Major 
McKinley agrees with him in this regard. 

And Mr. Piatt, I presume and hope, does not 
neglect his own interests and those of his family. 
And why should he? Tell me any successful man 

339 



TJie Auto})ioffraplui of Thomas Collier Piatt 

in any profession and occupation in life, who has 
neglected his own interests, and then hypercritical 
people may criticize and denounce him on that 
ground. But one thing is uncontradicted : that no 
single penny of dishonest money ever reached his 
purse. These are not inconsistent with, and in- 
imical to, sentiments of patriotism and of good 
government. During the war for the preserva- 
tion of the Union, few men, who did not actually 
enlist in the ranks of the Union army, can boast 
of a more patriotic record than Mr. Piatt. 

I raised the first full company of volunteers in 
the North, on the evening of April 17, 1861, at 
Owego, N, Y., and afterward helped to raise other 
troops in Tioga County. And I always had the 
earnest, zealous and generous aid and cooperation 
of Thomas C. Piatt. When in the spring of 1865, 
I brought my regiment to Owego to say farewell 
and disband, they received all that a grateful and 
generous people could give them in return for 
their services and sacrifices; and Thoiiias C. Piatt 
was one of the foremost of the citizens to receive 
and entertain them. 

When on July 4, 1891, the patriotic people of 
Tioga County had erected and prepared to unveil 
the handsomest monument in the State to the 
honor of the Tioga County soldiery, Thomas C. 
Piatt was invited to act as president of the day 
and receive that splendid ''memorial of reverence 
and love to the brave soldiers who fell in the late 
war." On that occasion he delivered an address, 

340 



The Autohiograpluj of Thomas Collier Plait 

which in point of fine diction and patriotic senti- 
ment will compare favorably with any of the 
great speeches of the day on similar occasions. 
I take pleasure in forwarding herewith a little 
volume containing the proceedings of that pa- 
triotic day. Is there anything in Mr. Choate's pub- 
lic career that can show greater interest or pa- 
triotism in the greatest crisis of our country's 
history, than this and these on the part of ^Mr. 
Piatt? Indeed, is there anything in the public 
career of Mr. Choate to show that he has won a 
spur or a star or a diploma in the realm of 
science or literature or statesmanship? He in- 
herited great legal ability, and he has exercised 
it with eminent success; but has it not been main- 
ly for large fees! He has performed oratorical 
functions on a few great occasions, but I have yet 
to see or read one that was in a large sense fin- 
ished or great. Set him and Mr. Piatt to work 
on a practical proposition of finance, legislation 
or statesmanship, and I believe he would not be 
greatly the superior of the two. So far as I can 
imderstand, Mr. Piatt's lineage is as good as Mr. 
Choate 's ; his literary pursuits have been as broad ; 
his study of and experience in large and important 
affairs have been infinitely more extended; and 
his natural gifts and intuitions are as generous 
and correct. 

Let me ask you, then, in what you may do for 
your own friend, to see to it that no one is allowed 
to unfairly and unjustly and indecently attack one 

'341 



TJie Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

whose only ambition now is to serve his State 
and his fellowmen, as he sees the right, and who 
wishes at no distant day to go off the field on 
horseback in a manly way, and not be driven off 
by those who would like to see him walk off, cov- 
ered with the slime of scandal and disgrace. 
EespectfuUy and sincerely yours, 

I. S. Catlin. 
To the Rev. Dr. R. S. Storks. 

DR. STORRS CONFESSES HIS IGNORANCE 

After over two weeks, the Rev. Dr. Storrs re- 
plied to General Catlin 's letter in this way: 

30 Pierrepont St., Brooklyn, N". Y. 

January 7, 1897. 
Dear General Catlin : 

Yours of December 24th came to me when I 
was exceedingly occupied with other matters, not 
to be put aside or postponed. And my reply to 
it has been thus delaved. I have read it with 
great interest and thank you for it. / have never 
had the smallest personal Jxnoicledge of the man 
of whom you have written, have never assailed 
him personally, and am glad to know that he has 
the friendship of men like yourself. But I regard 
the relation which he seems plainly to hold to 
the Republican party in the State as evil and ir- 
rational in itself, and fraught with vast danger 
for the future. I do not suppose that the resist- 

342 



Tlie Autohiograpliy of Thomas Collier Piatt 

ance of men who think as I do, to his election as 
Senator, will have special weight with such a Leg- 
islature as that now assembled at Albany. But I 
feel bound to exert whatever influence I have, pri- 
vate or public, for the election of one whom I deem 
in every way abler, nobler, more worthy of the 
high office, and certain to reflect higher honor on 
the State, and to advance more surely the national 
welfare. I shall deeply regret the choice of the 
other, and shall be glad to have done whatever I 
honorably could do to prevent it. 

Accept my hearty thanks for the bound pam- 
phlet containing the services at the dedication of 
the '^ Soldiers' Monument" at Owego. I have 
read with special interest your eloquent address, 
and am greatly indebted to you for it. 

Ever faithfully yours, 

R. S. Stoees. 

"to the nation's heroes and martyrs" 

The pamphlet to which General Catliu and the 
Eev. Dr. Storrs both refer contained the details 
of the dedication of a handsome shaft at Owego, 
which bore the script: "To her heroes who 
fought, and her martyrs who fell, that the nation 
might live." 

General Benjamin F. Tracy, who, as well as 
General Catlin, achieved distinction during the 
War of the Rebellion, delivered an address. I had 
the honor of being the president of the day. The 

343 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 



speech I delivered is suggested in the Catliu-Storrs 
correspondence. I have been asked to quote ex- 
tracts from it. Here are some of them: 

We are here to testify that in our belief the 
debt we owe the boys who wore the blue, never has 
been, and never can be, entirely paid as long as 
one of them remains to tell the story. And Tioga 
County tells to all the land to-day, in this memorial 
which she rears to the memorv of her sons, that 
the gratitude which she felt for the soldier from 
1861 to 1865 is just as keen and appreciative now 
as it was in the darkest hours of danger. And 
may her name perish and be forgotten among men, 
if she forgets the obligation she owes to the 
soldier, living or dead. 

As I look upon the soldiers around me to-day, 
my memory is carried back to the most tremen- 
dous battle of the war, twenty-eight years ago, 
when a quarter of a million of the bravest soldiers 
that the world ever saw were locked in the embrace 
of death. All the previous days, the struggle 
raged from Eound Top to Gulp's Hill; and over 
the field of carnage the grass was red with the 
blood of the slain. The morning of July -Ith 
dawned, and the fate of the nation was trembling 
in the balance. Scarcely a battle of modern times 
has furnished such a record of carnage and dis- 
aster. No foreign foe was to be met, but on either 
side was the flower of the Saxon race. The fight 
was renewed. The sun sank down in the west 

344 



Tlie Autohioffi'apl!?/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

that evening, and under the shadows of night tlie 
grand army of Leo, all shattered and torn, reeled 
back across the Potomac, never to set foot on 
Northern soil again. And the Republic was 
saved ! 

It is our happiness to-day to know that among 
the brave soldiers Tioga sent to the war, there 
are those who have returned to us crowned with 
immortal honor ; men who have been tried in every 
station, weighed in the balance, and never found 
wanting, Happy indeed are we to have them with 
us to-day, to fill the hearts of our old men with 
gladness at the renewal of the associations of the 
past, and to inspire the hearts of our young men 
to emulate their example, and to teach them, if 
they ever hope to have their names inscribed upon 
the golden roll, they can only secure that honor 
by standing steadfastly for the truth, unfalter- 
ingly for the right, and proving themselves worthy 
of the grand old Tioga County stock from which 
they sprang. 

It will not be necessary for me to give an ex- 
tended introduction to either of the speakers of 
the day, for probably there is not a man in Tioga 
County as well known as General Tracy, All the 
old men know him; all the old ladies reverence 
him, and all the young ladies are i)roud of his 
acquaintance. We are all happy to liave him with 
us on this auspicious occasion, and to bid him a 
thousand welcomes to his old liome. Yet he re- 
turns to us, not as an old shattered wreck, not 

345 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

bowed with age and worn with toil, but as full 
of life and youthful vigor as when thirty years 
ago he marched at the head of our brave Tioga 
County boys. Yet he returns to us, not simply as 
the gallant soldier, the loved and honored citizen 
of Tioga County, but as one of the central figures 
of the grandest Republic of the globe. Faithful 
in every position to which he has been called, 
whether as attorney, legislator, soldier or judge, 
when asked for further service he might well have 
exclaimed: ''I have done my share." 

Yet when the United States was about to assume 
the most arduous task it has ever undertaken 
since the foundation of the Government, the crea- 
tion of a new navy, which is once more to give us 
the supremacy of the sea, it was Tioga's honored 
son that she called to her aid. And if God spares 
his life, before the present generation has passed 
away we will once more behold the old flag float- 
ing on every sea, from the rising to the setting 
of the sun. 

Neither will it be necessary to introduce to a 
Tioga County audience the war-worn veteran who 
sits beside me. General Isaac S. Catlin. How our 
hearts sank within us when the news flashed over 
the wires that our friend and brother had fallen 
in the shock of the battle, and was cruelly maimed, 
was wavering in the gates of death. Thank God, 
he is with us to-day to tell us how the Republic 
was saved! 

It now becomes my pleasant duty, on behalf 

' 3-46 



The Autobiograpliy of Thomas Collier Plait 

of the citizens of Tioga County, and of the Board 
of Supervisors and their successors who are to 
be guardians and custodians of this sacred trust, 
to receive this memorial monument from your com- 
mittee, and consecrate it to our soldier dead. Your 
committee has performed its work nobly and well, 
and you, gentlemen of the Board of Supervisors, 
have richly earned the grateful thanks of your 
fellow citizens for the admirable manner in which 
you have executed your trust. 

Here may it stand for ages, no less a monument 
to the brave soldiers who died, than an evidence 
of the patriotic zeal and love of the men who 
raised it. Here may it stand for all time, guarded 
by filial reverence and affection, teaching our 
young men to stand by the flag and to live and to 
die if need be for the presei^-ation of the Union. 
The time has come when it seems eminently proper 
we should cover with a mantle of forgetfulness 
the sufferings and sacrifices of the past. But with 
the broadest exercise of Christian charity, let us 
not forget in the contest of the past that there 
was a wrong side, and there was a right side, and 
that the soldiers whose memorj^ this shaft is to 
perpetuate died for the cause of the right. And 
so, in God's name, we dedicate this monument to 
the right and to the Union forevennore. 

ONLY SEVEN VOTES AGAINST ME 

Out of the Brooklyn and Buffalo meetings came 
the formation of a committee to defeat me for 

347 



The Aut()bi(i^rapJi// of Thoma.s dAUcr Piatt 

the Senate. It was headed by William D. Guthrie, 
Paul D. Cravath, Edward Mitchell and William 
Brookfield, of the New York Union League Club; 
and Senators Frank D. Pavey, of New York, and 
George W. Brush, of Brookhm. They established 
headquarters at Albany early in January. 

My career was raked from beginning to end. 
But when the Eepublican caucus met, Choate got 
just 7 votes, while I had to be content with 142. 

I confess that one of the keenest disappoint- 
ments of my life has been that I should not have 
had a unanimous vote in the Eepublican caucus. 
For a long time I could not conceal my mortifi- 
cation that there should have been the slightest 
opposition to my reelection. This was somewhat 
softened, however, when the Republicans unani- 
mously supported me in the joint Legislative con- 
vention, against David B. Hill, who got only 31 
votes, the other two Democratic votes being cast 
for Henry George. 

**AS HILL WALKED OUT I WALKED IX." 

It afforded me the supremest satisfaction, and 
not a little amusement, to step into the Senate seat 
of a man who had ousted me from a comparatively 
small office, merely to gratify his partisan spleen. 
As Hill walked out of the U. S. Senate. I walked 
in. Hill never returned. I did. 

I was much touched when, a few days after 
my second election to the Senate, five hundred 

348 



The Aiitobiog^raphi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

devoted Republicans made me their gnest of honor 
at a dinner at Albany. I expressed my apprecia- 
tion of the compliment in the following speech: 

MY GRATITUDE IN SPEECH 

It is not without hesitation that I have again 
accepted the responsibilities of public office. In- 
deed, it seemed as though the temptation to do 
so had been put by, and that the remainder of 
my life would have no other relations to public 
affairs than such as become every citizen. Nor 
could the situation have arisen in which I should 
have sought even so high an honor as the one 
just conferred. I shall be acquitted, I think, of 
any affectation about office-seeking and office-hold- 
ing, but it is a fact that I have not been a can- 
didate for the Senate. I have not asked any mem- 
ber of the Legislature to vote for me. I did not 
even intimate until after the caucus that I should 
accept the office if it were tendered. That it has 
come under these circumstances, and with such 
generous expressions of good will and confidence 
from Republicans throughout the State, makes it 
a pleasing burden and a rich compensation for 
all that I have done and tried to do in my party's 
service. And so I shall go to AYashington grateful 
to the Republican party, devoted to the State of 
Xew York, and earnest in the resolution to exert 
whatever influence I may have or may acquire 
for the welfare of our incomparable country. 

349 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

It is especially gratifying to reenter the Senate 
coincidentally with the inauguration of a Republi- 
can President. The support given by the State 
of New York to Major McKinley's candidacy 
abundantly testifies to the high hopes which our 
people base on his patriotic wisdom. The success 
of his administration will be the success of the 
Republican party, and no contribution that I can 
make to that great cause will be wanting. 

Sufficient time has passed since the November 
election to permit a close examination of its re- 
sults. It cannot be said that they are wholly sat- 
isfactory. The bewildering program of legislation 
proposed by Mr. Bryan obtained so great a popu- 
lar support as to forbid the idea that agitation in 
its favor will be abandoned, and our Democratic 
friends, who, without giving unqualified adhesion 
to Republican principles, were, nevertheless, con- 
strained by their convictions on the money ques- 
tion to support the Republican candidates, should 
give sober consideration to this fact. It is not 
yet certain that any plan for the relief of the 
Treasury can pass the Senate as it will be consti- 
tuted after the fourth of March. Capital will not 
invest, production will not increase, labor will 
not be adequately employed until laws are passed 
to insure the Treasury against insolvency, and to 
guarantee to the business interests of the country 
a safe and reasonably permanent basis on which 
to operate. If the changes in the composition of 
the Senate now in progress fail to i^troduce a ma- 

350 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Flatt 

jority that can hold together for the enactment of 
such legislation, we shall have the same fight out 
of which we have just come to make again four 
years from now, under probably less favorable 
conditions. 

The lesson which this possibly teaches to the 
Sound Money Democrats, and the duty it enforces 
upon them, seem entirely clear. They can find 
no home in the Democratic party. Their pres- 
ence there is not wanted, whereas with us it is 
held in just esteem. They must come into the 
Eepublican party, exert their due influence upon 
its politics and accept their share of the respon- 
sibility for its work. And without abandoning 
any vital principles, which they would not ask or 
expect, we must seek in all we do to hold their 
confidence and support. 

People do not agitate themselves over theories 
of finance when they are getting along comforta- 
bly. The clamor for the free coinage of silver be- 
came serious only when an ill-considered tariff 
measure threw the business of the country into 
confusion and left the Treasury without an income 
sufficient to meet its inevitable expenditures. It 
was then that capital withdrew from investment. 
It was then that production was checked, that 
wages were reduced, that profits and earnings 
fell off, that labor was thrown out of employment, 
and that the people began to lend an ear to the 
theorists who told them that there was something 
the matter with their dollars. It was not in human 

351 



The Autohiographij of Thomas Collier Flatt 

nature for those who had enacted this mistaken 
law to admit it to be the origin of the troubles 
which at once came upon the country, and they 
cast about for other causes. One of these they 
found in the greenback, and they fell to abusing: 
that useful feature of the currency with especial 
bitterness. It may be that the greenback is not 
an ideal form in which to express a public debi. 
or to supply the people with a substitute for 
money, and it certainly is true that no substitute 
for money should be legal tender. But it was not 
the greenback that caused the demand for gold, 
nor was it the gi-eenback that shut down mills and 
reduced the opportunities of labor and the earn- 
ings of investment. It was the Wilson Tariff law 
which did these things, and there would have been 
just as much gold to raise and just as much 
trouble raising it had the burden fallen on the 
banks instead of on the Treasury, and even then 
there would have been an enormous Treasury 
deficit. The trouble came with the revenue law, 
and the remedy is to be provided in the same way. 
No legislation is now necessary for the mainte- 
nance of the gold standard, and when we have 
replenished the Treasury, restored the public 
credit and set the country's industries again on 
their feet, there will be time enough to look after 
the legal tenders and to revise our no doubt dis- 
ordered currency system. 

There can be no pretense that the American peo- 
ple do not desire to return to the protective policy. 

352 



TJie AutobiograpJii/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

They gave a much heavier majority in 1894 
against the AYilson Bill than in 1896 against all 
the combined vagaries of Bryanism. The question 
is not whether they can adapt themselves to a 
system of production which must be based on a 
lower standard of wages than heretofore pre- 
vailed. They do not want to adapt themselves to 
such a system. The question is not whether rev- 
enues can be provided sufficient to meet the Gov- 
ernment's necessities by patching up the Wilson 
Bill with new internal taxes. The people do not 
want the Wilson Bill patched up. They want it 
repealed. The demand, to which the election of 
two successive Republican majorities in the House 
of Representatives sufficiently testifies, is for the 
enactment of an intelligent and consistent tariff, 
based in every schedule upon the principle of pre- 
venting the foreign producer of goods that com- 
pete with American goods from wholesaling his 
wares in the American market at prices which 
compel the American maker of such wares either 
to go out of business or to reduce the wages he 
pays to his labor. 

If there is no other respect in which the country 
is to be congratulated upon the result of Mr. 
Cleveland's administration, it may be admitted 
that since the present Secretary of State assumed 
the direction of our foreign affairs, the position 
of our country abroad has improved. It has been 
demonstrated again that the consistent upholding 
of American interests in foreign lands does not 

353 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

necessarily involve disagreeable relations with for- 
eign governments, and that the just influence of 
our country can be preserved without offense to 
our neighbors. I have had no fair opportunity to 
examine the text of the arbitration treaty, or to 
consider the possibilities that may arise under its 
various provisions, but with the principle involved 
it seems as though all civilized men must be sym- 
pathetic. A war with England would be unspeak- 
ably wrong, and it ought to be rendered impossi- 
ble. [The Venezuela dispute was then at issue.] 
Indeed, as a matter of fact, there is nothing in 
our situation to call for a war with anybody. The 
cause of liberty is always noble. It always de- 
serves to succeed. I look to see the time when the 
people of every American country will govern 
themselves without theoretical or other interfer- 
ence from any European sovereignty, and the at- 
titude of our people is bound to be one of friendly 
interest whenever the American subjects of a for- 
eign power decide that the time has come for 
them to establish a free and independent American 
State. The attitude of our Government, however, 
cannot always express the sympathies of our peo- 
ple. It has its treaties to observe and its code 
of public law to respect. Acts of inter\'ention, 
moreover, involve responsibilities, and these must 
be assumed with caution. We neither wish to 
govern Cuba nor to fight Spain, and no act of 
Government should be performed that leads us 
in the direction of either of these enterprises. 

354 



The AutobiograpJnj of Thomas Collier Piatt 

It is a long while, Mr. Chairman, since such a 
celebration as this was possible. It is a long while 
since a Republican Governor of New York, a 
Republican Lieutenant-Governor, a Republican 
Speaker of the Assembly, a full line of Republican 
State offices, a Republican United States Senator, 
and so great a body of Republican officials from 
the counties and municipalities of the State, could 
assemble at a public banquet. Four years ago 
the thought of to-night's festival would have 
seemed absurd. Let us take care that for years 
hence it shall have no such seeming. Let us prove 
ourselves competent and honest and truly rep- 
resentative of the hopes and impulses of the 
people. 

It was my duty and delight to support the Ding- 
ley tariff and all other Republican measures 
drawn to repeal ruinous Democratic legislation 
enacting during the Cleveland administration. I 
trust that Congress will never wipe out the car- 
dinal features of the Dingley act. 

MRS. PLATt's view OF POLITICS 

To no one was my return to the Senate more 
pleasing than to Mrs. Piatt. She had the year 
before been the determinating influence in caus- 
ing me to decline a nomination for Governor. As 
I have observed, the solicitations of enemies that 
I run for that office were quite sufficient to induce 
me to abjure it. 

355 



The AutobiograpJiij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

My wife accompanied me to the national capital, 
and continued to be my companion and counselor. 

Once, during- a reception to the wife of a brother 
U. S. Senator, in Washington, each lady was asked 
to tell how she felt about the prominence that 
came to her because her husband happened to be 
elevated to high office. 

When it came Mrs. Piatt's turn, she modestly 
testified: "I object to having it said that I an 
*in politics.' I frankly confess that I admire Mr. 
Piatt's political acumen, and often offer him a 
few suggestions. But I never take politics seri- 
ously. I regard it rather as a recreation and 
amusement, just as other women enjoy embroid- 
ery, riding or driving." 

WHY TEACY, NOT LOW, WAS NAMED FOR MAYOR 

I have never made a defense of the position I 
assumed in 1897, at the organization of the gov- 
ernment of the newly created Greater City of 
New York, in respect of the Mayoralty nomina- 
tion, and for several reasons. In the first place, 
self-defense in politics is rarely profitable. It 
only opens the door to new forms of misrepresen- 
tation and attack. In the next place, the time has 
never seemed to be ripe for it, and I don't know 
that it is ripe yet. But the events of 1897 have 
their place in these recollections, and I shall try 
to state the considerations that k^d me to oppose 
the Republican organization's surrender to the 

356 



The Aniohio^rapJiii of Tlionias Collier Plait 

Citizens' Union, and why I urged my friend, Gen- 
eral Benjamin F. Tracy, to take the Republican 
nomination. 

I had, of course, the same respect for Dr. Low's 
character as a man and for his position as a citi- 
zen that every one else had. But his talents as 
an administrator were to bo judged only by his 
career in Brooklyn, and I did not rate them high. 
Nor, judging from our experience with him then, 
and from his position in the Blaine campaign, 
and from the free-tradish remarks that had been 
attributed to him during the Cleveland adminis- 
tration, would I have thought that his election to 
be Mayor of New York, even as a Republican, and 
by votes that the Republican party could muster, 
would be of distinct party advantage. At the 
same time, if he had desired to take the field as 
a Republican, with thereafter any other nomina- 
tions and any other support that were obtainable. 
I should have put nothing in the way of it. I 
caused that fact to be conveyed to him, or at least 
stated it to many of his friends who called on 
me in the interest of his nomination. 

But the main consideration with me in that, as 
in all other matters during the whole period of my 
activity in politics, was what I considered to be the 
welfare of the Republican party, which I have 
never discriminated from the welfare of the State 
and the nation. I knew that Tammany govern- 
ment was pretty bad government, but I did not 
expect to see the millennium come with Low any 

357 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

more than it had with Strong, or any of the well- 
meaning gentlemen who have started in at one 
time or another to reform New York; and I re- 
garded the maintenance of a condition of the pub- 
lic mind from which could be obtained new Repub- 
lican victories in the State as more important than 
the defeat of Tammany under conditions which, 
to my mind, would be sure to result in a Repub- 
lican defeat in the Gubernatorial election the next 
year. 

CONTEMPT FOR LOW NON-PARTISANSHIP 

For the doctrine of non-partisanship in local 
elections I had the sincerest and the profoundest 
contempt. I used to be amused at the that-settles- 
it air with which the question would be plumped 
at me: ""What has a man's views of the tariff to 
do with his capacity to give to the people of New 
York City an honest and business-like administra- 
tion?" — as though my agreement that they had 
nothing to do with that matter involved a con- 
cession to the i:)rinciple of local non-partisanship. 
It has everything to do with a man's ability to 
administer government, anywhere in the North or 
West, whether the influences about him are Re- 
publican or Democratic; and so strong is the pre- 
disposition of the American people in favor of 
a party as a political agent, and so strong is their 
prejudice against multiplicity of parties, and so 
similar are the problems of administration, no 
matter what the political division to which they 

358 



The Autobiographij of Thomas Collier Flatt 

relate, that it is idle to attempt to create municipal 
parties or factions. The success of such attempt 
would have a demoralizing effect on party organi- 
zation. 

I could see no reason why a party which with 
the highest success was conducting a national gov- 
ernment, and with at least distinguished success 
the government at Albany, should be dismayed at 
any problem of municipal government, and al- 
though I was willing to recognize the fact that we 
were a minority here in New York City, sadly 
inferior in point of numbers, by making all reason- 
able concessions to that sentiment which, sharing 
with us an opposition to Tammany Hall, was not 
otherwise Republican, I was not willing to put 
the Republican organization behind a man who, 
in advance, repudiated all obligation to the Repub- 
lican partj^ I did not want to see the Republican 
party accept responsibility without having some 
voice in deciding what it would have to stand for. 
I did not want to see Mr. Low go into the great 
and powerful office of Mayor of Greater New 
York, with the work of consolidation before him, 
with no other influences about him than those of 
men, some of whom had impressed me as hum- 
bugs, some as cranks, and all as lacking in politi- 
cal experience, and as generally hostile to the Re- 
publican party, and as sure to create such a fric- 
tion between the city administration and the State 
Legislature as would weaken us in the year when 
we had a Governor to elect, a political off-year 

359 



Tlie Aut(jhi(j^rai)hy of lliomas Cullier Piatt 

when we could least afford to have our strength 
impaired. 

citizens' union bullies 

Then, again, I did not like being bullied, and 
could not bring myself to believe that a great and 
powerful organization, whose cooperation with the 
other anti-Tammany elements was necessary to 
success, could under any circumstances afford to 
let itself be treated in the arrogant, offensive and 
bullying way which, from the very start, was 
adopted by the Citizens' Union toward their nec- 
essary Republican allies. 

The Eepublican organization in the years from 
1896 to 1900 was larger, stronger and more com- 
petent than it ever had been before or since. It 
had been held securely by Mr. Lauterbach against 
the seductions of Mr. Brookfield and the Strong 
administration; and with the active support of 
President McKinley it had been built up by Mr. 
Quigg, until in the fall of 1897, if an independent 
organization had been started on sincere and sensi- 
ble lines, an anti-Tammany victory was well with- 
in sight. 

I am bound to say, at the risk of his thinking 
it a compliment, that I don't suppose I understand 
a man like Mr. Fulton Cutting. Even a man 
who is engaged in a great and noble i)ublic work, 
animated l)y the purest motives and with no wish 
or thought of personal advantage, is not excused 
from the exercise of ordinary common sense, nor is 

360 * 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

he justified in the view that he is the only person in 
whose brain arises, at least occasionally, the no- 
tion of the public welfare. 

CUTTING STOPPED FUSION 

Under Mr. Fulton Cutting's leadership the Citi- 
zens ' Union went deliberately at work to make the 
cooperation of the Republican party in the election 
of an anti-Tammany man absolutely impossible, 
and it seemed to omit no single thing that was 
calculated to bring that result. That it repre- 
sented an idea which has strength — the idea of a 
brave, independent, courageous citizen admin- 
istering a great public office without fear or favor, 
may be admitted ; but when the success of this idea 
depends on the popular vote, it should not be pre- 
sented in a way that offends the sensibility of 
every one in whose mind there is a doubt whether 
the fifteen or twenty men who suddenly spring 
up and proclaim it are the only ones in a popu- 
lation of three millions who believe in good and 
worthy government. 

LOW LENT HIMSELF TO AN AKROGANT COTEEIE 

The worst of it was that Dr. Low weakly put 
himself right under the wing of this arrogant and 
offensive coterie. He excused himself, or his 
friends excused him, by saying that if he didn't 
they would drop him and take up somebody else. 

361 



The Autohiographij of Thomas Collier Flatt 

That may have been so, and if it had been offered 
to whom public service is only a public duty, en- 
to excuse an ambitious, self-seeking politician, one 
could understand it; but offered to excuse a man 
tered with always the greatest reluctance and only 
because it is thrust upon him by the ovei-whelm- 
ing demand of his fellow citizens, it seems a trifle 
mystifying. 

m'kinley against low's nomination 

Even as late in the campaign as within a week 
before the Republican convention, and after the 
Citizens' Union had called their self-appointed 
selves together and had nominated Dr. Low on 
their take-him-or-leave-him platform, we tried to 
save him and the situation. Mr. Quigg — I won't 
say with my approval, but without my objection — 
had a talk with Elihu Eoot, in which he told Mr. 
Eoot, for such purpose as Mr. Root might think it 
proper to put it to, that if Dr. Low, before accept- 
ing the Citizens' Union nomination, would wait 
until the Republican convention had met, and 
would then accept both nominations, preferably 
in identical terms, we would do the best we could 
to bring his nomination about. Nothing came of 
this communication, however, and neither I nor 
any of my advisers could see any other course to 
pursue than the one that was finally taken. The 
matter was discussed with the Republican leaders, 
not only in New York City, but throughout the 

3G2 * 



The Autobiographi/ of Tliomas Collier Piatt 

State. At my suggestion Mr. Quigg vrent to Lake 
Champlain, where President McKinley was stop- 
ping, and in the course of an interview that lasted 
two hours went over every jDhase of the matter 
with him. I had many conferences with Mr. Bliss, 
then in the President's cabinet, and with party 
leaders in other States whose judgment I had 
learned to respect, and from the President down 
the opinion of every Republican who had any 
party responsibility was that under the circum- 
stances we could not afford to nominate Dr. Low. 



LOW A ''thorn in the FLESH " 

The final consideration with me was this — that 
no man can get away from his environment ; that 
the auspices under which a man takes office, the 
conditions of his nomination, are bound to control 
his conduct in office, and that Mr. Low, brought 
forward by the Citizens' Union in the extraordi- 
nary way in which they got him before the pub- 
lic and into actual nomination, must, if elected, 
have been a constant thorn in the flesh to the Re- 
publican organization in both city and State. And 
yet, by nominating him ourselves, we should have 
been responsible for him and for the unpopular 
government which, with his Citizens' Union sup- 
port, he would have been sure to provide. I fore- 
saw conflicts with the Legislature, and the news- 
papers grinding out columns in every issue to the 
prejudice of the Republican party throughout the 

363 



The Autohio^raphf/ of TJwmas Collier Piatt 

State "because the Legislature was failing to re- 
spond to the Citizens' Union idea of municipal 
laws. I judged what his ideas of municipal laws 
would be by what his idea was of the way to organ- 
ize a city government. I thought at the best we 
would have a hard time to elect a Republican Gov- 
ernor in 1898. Already the canal appropriations 
were giving us trouble; the frictions between 
Governor Black and some of the State leaders were 
a source of anxiety; and I knew that if Senator 
Murphy and Mr. Croker yielded to the more astute 
leadership of ex-Governor Hill (which, luckily, 
they didn't), we should have on our hands the fight 
of our lives, with nothing to depend on except the 
popularity of President McKinley and the issues 
of the Spanish War. 

Of course it will be asked, and I can hear the 
tone of mild rebuke: '*Had the interests of the 
city of New York no weight in the consideration 
of those who thus assumed responsibility for a 
new period of Tammany government ? ' ' Yes, they 
had; but, as I understand it. New York City is 
still a part of New York State, and just as much 
interested in a continuance of the wise and suc- 
cessful administration of State affairs as any 
other part of the State. 

An anti-Tammany victory in New York, more- 
over, is a chance victory, and has never resulted 
in the real and permanent bettennent of things 
for that reason. The Democratic majority in New 
York City is so large, so stolid, made up of ele- 

364 



Tlie Autohiograpliij of Thomas Collier Plait 

ments so difficult to reach and to convince, that 
an occasional victory on the part of Republican 
and other forces has been found to accomplish 
little. The importance of even that little I admit, 
and I can easily see that if a Republican Mayor 
could be elected as a Republican, and could have a 
strong, united party behind him, so that in the 
course of a four years' administration he could 
build up the party and its organization, and thus 
bring about his own reelection or the election of 
another who would continue his good administra- 
tion, it would be possible in the course of time 
thoroughly to reorganize and reform the local 
departments. 

NO POLITICAL, HYBRIDS TO BE TOLERATED 

But, elected as a political hybrid, with the well- 
to-do, easy-going, thoughtless aristocrats, organ- 
ized in some independent guise, pulling in one di- 
rection, with such bodies as the City Club pulling 
in another, with the Republican organization pull- 
ing in still another, and such fag-ends as the 
Jimmy O'Briens, the Stecklers and the Sheehans, 
with their demands and distractions to plague and 
pursue him; selected for his social position or his 
standing as a banker or a merchant, with little 
or no experience of public administration — no man 
alive could justify the expectations that secured 
for him the office of Mayor of New York City, and 
the prompt return of Tammany to its own is a 

365 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

foregone conclusion from the day he takes office. 
The history of Dr. Low's administration when, 
with the Republican party cordially supporting 
him, he did manage to get the place, is only one 
of the several proofs that have been afforded of 
the truth of this statement. I know of nothing 
that occurred during the Low administration 
which should change the opinion I had con- 
cerning him in 1897. He came and went, and 
New York City is still the same old town, with 
the same old social and political problems, the 
same old grafters, the same body of office-holders, 
the same burden of debt and the same ratio of 
increase in its appropriations that it had when 
we were told that Mr. Low's election meant its 
emancipation from them all. 

MY COURSE VINDICATED 

So I guess I was right in 1897, and when the 
election returns came in on the night of November 
8, 1898, and when, after waiting till nearly mid- 
night before the issue was certain, I saw that 
Theodore Roosevelt, fresh from San Juan Hill, 
with the stains of Spanish blood dark on his 
rough-rider uniform, had squeezed through by the 
narrow majority of 17,000 in a total poll of more 
than a million and a quarter votes, I breathed a 
sigh of relief to think that I had not taken the 
responsibility of loading him down with the 
Citizens' Union. 

366 



CHAPTER XVni 

1898-1900 

Whij I selected Roosevelt for Governor — His em- 
barrassing threat to ivithdraiv, and how at 
the crucial moment I prevented it — The Hero 
of San Juan 7vas not "a coward" — Brief re- 
view of the Roosevelt State administration. 

*'Stakchless" civil service, which put practic- 
ally every Democratic office-holder out and in- 
stalled a Republican organization man in his job; 
the appointment of Louis F. Payn as Superintend- 
ent of Insurance, and other ultra-partisan acts of 
the Black administration, while they popularized 
it with the organization workers, aroused rebellion 
among the Independents. Black, offering no apolo- 
gies for running a simon-pure party regime, 
planned a renomination and secretly nursed a 
hope that he would land the Presidency. 

The initial movement toward curbing the Black 
methods for surbordinating the State government 
to the interests of the regular troops, developed 
when the so-called Independents, led by the Union 
League Club, put forward Joseph H. Choate 
against me as a candidate for U. S. Senator. In- 
dependent threats caused me to do a heap of 

367 



The Autohioffraphy of Thomas Collier Piatt 



thinking. Cognizant of the revolts which sent 
Judge Folger to a political grave, deprived Blaine 
of the Presidency and placed the National and 
State governments in the custody of the Demo- 
crats for eight and ten years respectively, I began 
to formulate plans for holding our enemies in 
leash. At a period when few believed but that 
Black would be named for a second term — and 
this was in April of 1898—1 was asked if there 
was the slightest doubt about the renomination of 
the Governor. 

"Yes, there is," was my response. "McKinley 
and Congress are liable to declare war on Spain 
at any moment. That war may develop a hero. 
Popular sentiment may force the nomination of 
that hero for Governor of New York. Theodore 
Roosevelt has just resigned as Assistant Secretary 
of the Navy, and is drilling his Eough Riders in 
the West. General Francis V. Greene and Colonel 
Frederick D. Grant have volunteered their serv- 
ices. Any one of them might come out of the war 
adorned with such laurels as to compel his nomi- 
nation." 

While division was acute among the New York 
leaders as to who should be the candidate for 
Governor, Roosevelt, covered with military glory, 
came back from Cuba. I sent Lemuel Ely Quigg 
to Montauk Point, where the colonel was camped 
with his spectacular troop. I requested Mr. Quigg 
to sound the colonel about running for Governor. 
Mr. Quigg found the colonel more than pleased 

368 



The Autohioa^rapJu/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

\dth the suggestion. When Quigg plumped at 

Eoosevelt the question: ''Would you accept the 

Republican nomination for Governor?" there was 

no hesitation in the answer. 

Like cracks from a rifle, the gallant colonel 

came back with : 

"Would I? I would be delighted!" 

"Then count upon Senator Piatt's support. 

Come to the Fifth Avenue Hotel and see him," 

was Quigg 's reply. 

COLONEL ROOSEVELT DID COME TO ME 

Eoosevelt came to the Fifth Avenue. We had a 
long talk. We buried past differences. He agreed 
to head the Republican State ticket, if nominated, 
and consult with me and other party leaders about 
appointments and legislation in case he were 
elected. When Colonel Roosevelt parted from me 
he was my choice for Governor. I set to work 
to nominate and elect him. 

The perplexing and all but fatal incidents which 
happened prior to the assembling of the State 
convention at Saratoga in September, were de- 
scribed by me recently in a magazine article. I 
quote from it: 

Roosevelt's nomination for governor 

"During the fall of 1898, the candidacy of Theo- 
dore Roosevelt for the Governorship of New York 

369 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 



was projected. It will be remembered that while 
the candidacy was in process of development, the 
opponents of his nomination became apprised of 
the fact that during a previous year, when Mr. 
Roosevelt was Assistant Secretary of the Xavy, 
he had sworn off his taxes in New York on the 
theory that he was a resident of the District of 
Columbia, and therefore was ineligible for the 
Governorship of New York State. 

"Presuming that the opponents of his nomina- 
tion would use this fact in the approaching State 
convention, to his detriment, I called a meeting of 
my friends at the Fifth Avenue Hotel to consider 
methods of meeting the expected attack upon in- 
eligibility. Elihu Root, who recently succeeded me 
in the U. S. Senate, was one of those present at 
the meeting. So was Mr. Roosevelt. 

Roosevelt's ineligibility 

"While this meeting was being held a committee 
representing the opposition to Mr. Roosevelt, 
headed by Edward Lauterbach, called at my rooms 
at the Fifth Avenue. Mr. Lauterbach, Louis F. 
Payn and others were in the party, and they were 
all earnest advocates of the renomination of Gov- 
ernor Black. I left the assemblage of my friends 
and went to meet this committee. They had with 
them Mr. Roosevelt's affidavit of his non-residence 
in the State of New York, which they asked me to 
read and explain how in the face of such a declara- 

370 



The AutobiograpJiij of Tliomas Collier Piatt 

tion it would be possible to proceed with the plans 
for his Gubernatorial nomination. 

Lacking any other expedient, I informed them 
that if they were possessed of all the facts, they 
would view the matter differently, and that later 
I hoped to apprise them of such facts. I then re- 
joined my friends in another room and reported 
to them what Mr. Lauterbach and his associates 
had presented for my consideration. 

At this juncture, Mr. Koosevelt took me aside 
and said, with a trepidation I had never before 
and have never since seen him display: "I can- 
not remain in this fight; I must withdraw from 

the race." 

His desire lo withdraw was made apparent to 
every one in the room. The fatal effect of his 
withdrawal was to me so manifest, that I replied : 
**You must not withdraw. You must trust to 
me to solve the problem and elect you Governor 
of the State." 

In order to emphasize my determination and 
to restore his courage, I said with brutal frank- 
ness: *'Is the hero of San Juan a coward?" 

He replied with his customary vehemence : "No, 
I am not a coward." 

We then resumed the discussion of methods of 
procedure, and, at my suggestion, Mr. Root went 
to Massachusetts, where Joseph H. Choate was 
sojourning, in order to obtain his views in the 
premises. The meeting then disbanded, and was 

371 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

resumed at Saratoga some days later, where the 
Republican State Convention was assembling. 

CHOATE SATS THE CASE IS HOPELESS 

At this second meeting, there were present Mr. 
Root, Mr. Depew, Frank Hiscock, Judge George 
W. Ray, of the U. S. District Court, and others. 
Mr. Root reported to me that Mr. Choate had 
expressed the opinion that the case was hopeless, 
and added for himself that he had grave doubts 
of the possibility of making a successful conten- 
tion in Mr. Roosevelt's favor. He said that ^Ir. 
Choate expressed the further opinion that the only 
hope of success lay in forcing the nomination 
through the convention by sheer weight of 
numbers. 

I asked him if he had mentioned the matter to 
any one else, to which he replied that he had not 
done so. I asked him to refrain from doing so; 
told him that the plan to nominate Mr. Roose- 
velt must be carried through at all hazards, and 
he must appear before the convention and make 
the argument in favor of Mr. Roosevelt's nomi- 
nation. 

The gentlemen then addressed themselves to 
the task of formulating arguments that could be 
presented to the convention in support of Mr. 
Roosevelt's nomination. Judge Ray probably ad- 
duced the principal arguments upon which the 
following day Mr. Root made his famous speech 



372 



The Autobiographij of Thomas Collier Plait 

in support of Mr. Roosevelt's candidacy and eligi- 
bility. This task Mr. Root performed so exceed- 
ingly well that the opposition to the nomination 
of Mr. Roosevelt was effectually quelled. And 
so effective were the arguments of Mr, Root that 
the Democrats, in the campaign which followed, 
never so much as broached the subject of Mr. 
Roosevelt's ineligibility. 

Roosevelt's dramatic campaign 

Roosevelt made a dramatic campaign. He fair- 
ly pranced about the State. He called a spade 
a "spade," a crook a ** crook." During the 
final week of the canvass he made the issue Rich- 
ard Croker, the Tammany boss, who had been so 
excoriated by the Lexow and Mazet committees. 
The Rough Rider romped home on election day 
with over 17,000 plurality. 

I have alwavs maintained that no man besides 
Roosevelt could have accomplished that feat in 
1898. 

The Legislature being Republican in both 
branches, it was easy to supplant Democratic 
U. S. Senator Edward Murphy, Jr., whose term 
expired March 4, 1899. Governor Roosevelt, 
Lieutenant-Governor Woodru|f, State Chairman 
Odell and myself, united in the selection of 
Chauncey M. Depew. He was chosen to Murphy's 
seat early in January, 1899, securing the solid vote 
of bis party associates, and finally the united sup- 

373 



The Autohiograpliy of Thomas Collier Piatt 

port of the legislators without regard to political 
proclivities. Depew joined me at TVashington, 
March 4. Then for the first time in a decade was 
New York represented in the U. S. Senate by two 
Kepublicans. 

LOU. PAYN THROWN OUT 

Upon his inauguration, Governor Eoosevelt 
started in whirlwind fashion to clean house at 
Albany. He threw Superintendent of Insurance 
Louis F. PajTi out of his job so quickly as to 
send that official to me with a cry : ' * I warned you 
that this fellow would soon have you dangling at 
his chariot wheel. You would not believe me. He 
has begun by scalping members of your 'Old 
Guard.' He'll get you, too, soon." 

I agreed to the appointment of Francis Hen- 
dricks as Superintendent of Insurance, and 
though Seth Low recommended Colonel John N. 
Partridge for Superintendent of Public Works, 
offered no serious objection to the elevation of 
that man. Eoosevelt had from the first agreed 
that he would consult me on all questions of ap- 
]iointments, Legislature or party policy. He re- 
ligiously fulfilled this pledge, although he fre- 
quently did just w^at he pleased. In consulting 
me, Roosevelt proved himself the antithesis of 
Garfield, who, as I have said, repudiated every 
contract ever made with me. I have ever pre- 
ferred that a man should tell me frankly face to 

374 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

face that be will or will not do a thing, than to 
promise to do it and then refuse to do it. Roose- 
velt told me, for instance, that he proposed to 
remove Lou. Payn. I protested, but he was re- 
moved, and I was consulted about the appointment 
of his successor. 

The great dispute between Roosevelt and my- 
self came, however, when the Governor announced 
that corporations must pay a franchise tax, and 
had bills drawn providing for this. Chairman 
Odell, of the State Committee, and organization 
leaders generally, hoisted the signal of rebellion. 
Roosevelt clinched his fist and gritted his teeth, 
and drove through the legislature the franchise 
tax law, which, though supposed to be in opera- 
tion for the past ten years, is still being fought by 
public utilities corporations in the courts. 

Right upon the heels of the enactment of this 
legislation, Roosevelt made it known that he would 
be a candidate for renomination. I determined 
that he should be the candidate for Vice-Presi- 
dent, and that Odell, who had all but been named 
in 1896, when there was a sudden shift to Black, 
should head the State ticket. How my plans were 
consummated will be related in another chapter. 
Meantime, I digress to observe that one of the 
most important controversies, of the Congres- 
sional session of 1899, was that dealing with the 
question of retaining under our flag the Philippine 
Islands or granting their immediate independence. 
Being entirely irresponsible for the administration 

375 



The Autohio^raphy of Thomas Collier Piatt 

of the Government, Bryan and other Democratic 
leaders kept up an incessant howl about abandon- 
ing the Filipinos after we had freed them from 
the Spanish yoke. I joined with President McKin- 
ley and the Republicans in insisting that Ameri- 
can sovereignty be maintained until the "little 
brown men" had shown capacity for self-govern- 
ment. 

My views were reflected in a speech delivered 
by me January 27, 1899, in opposition to a reso- 
lution declaring that, under the (U. S.) Constitu- 
tion, no power is given to the Federal Government 
to acquire territory to be held and governed per- 
manently as colonies. 

I said: 

don't surrender the PHILIPPINES 

Mr. President : I suppose I may be permitted 
to enjoy the same latitude of discussion and the 
same liberty of expression which have distin- 
guished the remarks of other Senators during 
this debate. It is scarcely possible to talk to the 
resolution of the Senator from Missouri without 
saying something concerning the treaty which is 
being considered in executive session. Indeed, 
the resolution may almost be looked upon as an 
amendment to the treaty. If the resolution were 
to pass and the treaty were then to be ratified, the 
resolution would be nothing less than a definition 
of what the treaty must be understood to mean. 

376 



The Autobiographi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

And in voting against the resolution, which will 
be my course when the occasion arrives, I desire 
to be understood as voting against any limitation 
upon the terms of the treaty. 

There has never been absent from the floor of 
the Senate tliat class of intellect which has found 
in the Constitution its warrant for opposing new 
things. It has always been a superior class of 
intellect, without doubt earnest and sincere, 
but not always to be appreciated by or- 
dinary minds that believe in finding a prac- 
tical solution for practical questions as they 
arise one after another in the course of na- 
tional experience, and that starts out in its con- 
sideration of all public questions with the assump- 
tion that the founders of our Government did not 
intend it to be anything less than a competent 
government. Nor is it new things only which 
are so resolutely opposed in the name of the 
fathers. It is old things, with new faces, as well. 
Here we have been for a whole century annexing 
territory — annexing with a club or with a caress, 
just as the necessities demanded — and yet Sena- 
tors are discovering to one another the most acute 
distress over what they boldly describe as a ''de- 
parture from time-honored traditions." 

Mr. President, it was not the main purpose of 
the makers of the Constitution to point out a way 
in accordance with which the problems of govern- 
ment were to be solved. That purpose, no doubt, 
was in their minds to some extent, but to an ex- 

377 



TJw Autobiography of 'Thomas Collier Piatt 

tent which must have had its boundaries defined 
in their own experience, and even then they al- 
lowed it to appear in the Constitution with re- 
luctance and obvious misgiving. Their main pur- 
pose was to devise a plan of government, and not 
to ordain policies; and where they seemed to be 
ordaining policies, where they departed from the 
main work of establishing the bodies which to- 
gether should form the Government, and of dis- 
tributing to each its particular functions, they 
were doing precisely what every other legislative 
assembly before their time and subsequently there- 
to has had to do — they were satisfying popular 
prejudices and looking forward to the day when 
their work would be passed upon by minds less 
trained than their own in the consideration of 
great principles and more subject than theirs to 
temporary and local prejudice. 

I do not mean to suggest, Mr. President, that 
such legislation as does occur in the Constitution 
is any less binding upon us because it was put 
there as a concession to the sentiment of the law, 
but I do affirm without hesitation that the infer- 
ences which we draw now from such legislation, 
limiting the power of the General Government and 
tending to render our Government less competent 
than other governments, need to be drawn care- 
fully and need to be considered in the light of the 
whole scheme of Federal authority. Tt is tnie 
that we are a Government of limited powers, but 
the purpose of the limitation was simply to re- 

378 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

serve to the people of the States such ample power 
as would enable them to determine their own af- 
fairs in their own way — such affairs, I mean, as 
were not also the affairs of the people of other 
States; and it was not the purpose of such limi- 
tation to hinder the Federal Government in pro- 
viding as might seem best and wisest for the 
general welfare of the whole country. 

It is surprising, Mr. President, how often it 
has been necessary to make this argument and to 
call attention to these distinctions, and yet I sup- 
pose the temptation is a natural one to make the 
phrase "a government of limited powers" mean 
a govermnent empowered to do whatever each 
man wants done, but forbidden to do whatever 
each man opposes. That thought must have oc- 
curred, it seems to me, to every Senator who heard 
the proposition advanced here that we had the 
right under the Constitution to annex territory 
for the purpose of putting up guns to kill people 
with, but lacked the right of annexing it for the 
purpose of putting up schoolhouses and of doing 
the things that contribute to the happiness and 
prosperity of the people concerned. 

The disorder now existing in the Philippine 
Islands, to which Senators who are opposing the 
treaty may well afford to consider how far they 
are contributing, the unwillingness of the armed 
natives to accept American authority, does not 
constitute, in my mind, the slightest ground on 
which to base a vote against the Paris agreement. 

379 



The yintohiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

On the confrary, it affords a new reason why our 
action should be the more prompt and unanimous. 
No Senator has had the hardihood to suggest that 
we shall now return these islands to the Spanish 
Government, and no other disposition of them than 
that is inconsistent with a vote to confirm the 
treaty. Imputations have been made here upon 
the purposes of those who advocate the assump- 
tion by the United States of Philippine sover- 
eignty which can scarcely be genuine. 

All this talk about forcing our Government upon 
an unwilling people, all this eloquent invocation 
of the spirit of the Declaration of Independence, 
is far and away from any real point that con- 
cerns the Senate in this discussion, Xo Senator 
can suppose that there exists an American states- 
man who approaches the consideration of the 
Philippine problem with any other than the most 
benevolent intentions concerning the Filipinos 
and their future. There are reasons why the na- 
tives of these islands, after their experience with 
Spanish misrule, should misunderstand the pres- 
ence at Manila of an American army, but there is 
no reason why an American Senator should mis- 
understand it, and no justification of his course 
in misrepresenting it. He knows that there is no 
American in all this broad land who wishes any 
other fate to any single native of the Philippine 
Islands than his free enjoyment of a prosperous 
life. 

He knows that close in the wake of American 

380 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

rule there would come to the Filipinos a liberty 
that they have never known and a far greater 
liberty than they could ever have under the ar- 
rogant rule of a native dictator. He knows, more- 
over, that it would be self-rule, the rule of the 
islanders to the full extent of their capacity in 
that direction, and that each successive American 
President would welcome the time when he could 
recommend new leases of self-government to an 
advancing and improving people. The Filipinos 
may not know these things yet, but every Ameri- 
can Senator knows them, and puts himself and his 
country in a false position when, by attributing 
the spirit of conquest and aggression to those 
whose policy has rescued the Filipinos from Spain 
and would now rescue them from native tyrants, 
he encourages them to doubt the generous senti- 
ment of our people. 

1 do not say that these considerations are ab- 
solutely conclusive of our right and duty to as- 
sume the direct and exclusive government of the 
Philippines, for we have our own interests to 
think about, but certainly they forbid the use on 
this floor of any argument which tends to im- 
peril the safety of our troops at Manila or which 
adds one whit to the embarrassment of the ad- 
ministration in the trying situation by which it 
is confronted. 

Mr. President, I do not know, and I do not think 
any one else can know, just what ought to be 
done with the Philippine Islands, beyond this — 

381 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

that we ought, as instantly as possible, to com- 
plete the withdrawal of their sovereignty from the 
Kingdom of Spain, and that we ought ourselves 
to assume its obligations and prudently to dis- 
charge them until we have had full opportunity 
in our own councils to determine their best dispo- 
sition. This is all that the treaty of Paris pro- 
poses or imposes. It is all that the administration 
has at any time suggested. It is no more than 
a safe and conservative policy advises. It is no 
less than our public obligations require. It is 
a plain, clear, positive duty. It is one of those 
duties that are not to be got rid of by evasion, 
nor even by denial. It would remain after you 
had rejected the treaty. It lies in the nature of 
the situation. Your army, your navj, and your 
flag are at Manila. You can add to their dangers 
if you will. But their duty abides, and the will 
of the nation must be done. 



382 



CHAPTER XIX 

1900-1901 

My motives in making Roosevelt Vice-President 
— Hoiv a "pinch" made him President — 
*' Kicked up," not "down stairs" — Murder of 
McKinley, the "best beloved President" — 
My method of dealing ivith anarchist asscbs- 
sins — IIoiv Roosevelt fulfilled the oath taken 
at McKinley's bier. 

I MIGHT be accused of telling tales out of school 
should I divulge the details of the campaign en- 
tirely; but I will say that as the time approached 
for holding the Republican National Convention 
at Philadelphia, in 1900, it became apparent that 
the administration forces, headed by Senator 
Hanna, would oppose the nomination of Theodore 
Roosevelt for the Vice-Presidency. I believed 
that the death of Vice-President Hobart had weak- 
ened the Republican party, and that some strong, 
popular personality should be added to the ticket 
to be nominated in 1900 ; and I firmly believed that 
the virile personality of Mr. Roosevelt, supported 
by his war record in Cuba and by his administra- 
tive record as Governor of New York, would add 
great strength to the national ticket that year. 

383 




THEODORE ROOSEVELT 



The Autobiograplu/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Frederick S. Gibbs was the member of the Na- 
tional Committee from New York State. He also 
was a member of the Executive Committee, and 
in that capacity went to Philadelphia a week or 
two in advance of the gathering of the convention, 
where the National Committee was to give hear- 
ings to contesting delegations. I think it was a 
week prior to the meeting of the National Conven- 
tion that Mr. Gibbs called on the telephone one 
of my friends in New York, and asked him to tell 
me that the great majority of the National Com- 
mittee, headed by Senator Hanna, was shaping 
things to bring about the nomination of Cornelius 
N. Bliss for Vice-President. Mr. Gibbs evidently 
had the impression that this could be brought 
about, and as he knew my firm belief that Roose- 
velt should be a candidate, he thought it wise to 
let me know about it. The word that he brought 
was that I ought to get in touch with members 
of the National Committee, then in Philadelphia, 
with a view to heading off this sentiment, which 
was developing as the hearing of the contests pro- 
ceeded. I was so confident of what would be the 
outcome of the convention, that I replied to the 
one who brought Mr. Gibbs' message that I would 
not take the trouble to call him or any other mem- 
ber of the National Committee on the telephone, 
because he was unduly exercised, and nothing was 
more certain in my mind than that Mr. Roosevelt 
would be the Vice-Presidential candidate. 



385 



The Aut()hw2;raphy of Thomas Collier Piatt 



I BREAK A RIB AS BATTLE BEGINS 

I went to Philadelphia on the Saturday follow- 
ing, firmly imbued with this belief and resolved 
to exert myself to the utmost to accomplish such 
a result. My resources were somewhat reduced 
by the fact that on the afternoon upon which I 
left for Philadelphia, an acddent had resulted in 
my breaking a rib. Notwithstanding this disa- 
bility, I took the train for Philadelphia, accom- 
panied by Mr. Roosevelt, Mr. Depew and Mr. 
Odell. Upon reaching Philadelphia I was prompt- 
ly inter^'iewed by the late Senator Quay, who be- 
lieved as I did that the nomination of Mr. 
Roosevelt for Vice-President of the United States 
was a party necessity. We agreed to combine 
our forces for the accomplishment of this end; 
but since we were greatly outnumbered by the 
administration forces, some strategical operations 
were deemed advisable in order to demoralize 
and, if possible, disorganize the administration 
opposition to our plan. Accordingly, Mr. Quay 
let it become known that he intended, upon the 
assembling of the convention, to offer a resolution 
reducing the representation in convention of cer- 
tain Southern States upon the basis of the voting 
population. A large measure of the strength of 
the opposition lay in the South, and the proposi- 
tion of Senator Quay created great consternation 
in the administration forces. 

While thev were engaged in efforts to combat 

386 



TJic Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

such diminution of their strength, we were busily 
concentrating the votes of the New York and 
Pennsylvania delegations and such other delega- 
tions as were uncommitted upon the Vice-Presi- 
dency. Senator Quay's task was easier than mine, 
for the reason that the Pennsylvania delegation 
was a practical unit upon the proposition, while 
that of New York was divided — first, by the un- 
alterable opposition of Mr. Roosevelt himself to 
his nomination, and second, by the aggressive can- 
didacy of Timothy L. Woodruff, of Brooklyn. 

ROOSEVELT TELLS PAPERS HE WILL NOT RUN 

It is hardly worth while to elaborate the inci- 
dents of the first few days of the canvass, because 
they were overshadowed bj'- two or three ocx3ur- 
rences of the greatest significance and importance, 
which followed in close succession during the few 
hours immediately preceding the meeting of the 
convention. The Roosevelt sentiment was gradu- 
ally developing strength, and Mr. Quay and I were 
becoming greatly encouraged, when, on the after- 
noon before the convention met. General Francis 
V. Greene, a close friend of Mr. Roosevelt, and 
himself a passive candidate for the nomination, 
came to my room for the purpose of dissuading 
me from further effort in Mr. Roosevelt's behalf. 
I resisted his arguments until he startled me by 
saying that Mr. Roosevelt had a few moments pre- 
viously given to the newspapers an interview, in 

387 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

which he stated positively that he would not ac- 
cept the nomination — that his closest and most 
valued friends had advised against his being a 
candidate, and he had definitely made up his mind 
not to be. 

At this juncture, Senator Penrose, of Pennsyl- 
vania, accompanied by John P. Elkin, of that 
State, entered my room and announced that the 
Pennsylvania delegation had just caucused and 
had voted with practical unanimity to support Mr. 
Roosevelt for the Vice-Presidency. I pointed to 
General Greene and said: 

"This gentleman, who is a close friend of Gov- 
ernor Roosevelt, has just informed me that the 
Governor has given to the newspapers a statement 
to the effect that he will not accept a Vice-Presi- 
dential nomination." 

Senator Penrose said: "He had better go back 
to the Governor and tell him it is high time he 
learned who his real friends are." 

That night the New York delegation held its 
caucus. I was unable to attend, owing to my 
injury. 

HANNA capitulates; boosevelt still protests 

While the caucus was taking place, I sent my 
secretary to Senator Ilanna, asking him to visit 
me in my parlor. Senator Planna responded to 
the call, and we two alone discussed the situation. 
At first. Senator Ilanna obdurately opposed my 

388 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Plait 

efforts to convince him of the party necessity of 
nominating Mr. Roosevelt; but finally I won him 
over to my idea, and he left my room promising 
to issue that night a public statement that, in his 
judgment, Mr. Roosevelt should be the candidate 
of the convention. This promise he faithfully 
kept, and from that moment the nomination was 
assured. 

Meantime, Governor Roosevelt was in his rooms 
protesting to everybody that he would, if nomi- 
nated for Vice-President, arise in the convention 
and unequivocally decline. I heard of this, and 
asked my son Frank to go in to him and say that 
he would be nominated ; that he could not stop that, 
and I wanted his promise that if he were made 
McKinley's associate he would run. 

Roosevelt and my son soon came to my rooms. 
The Governor was in a state of rare excitement, 
even for him. 



"you cannot be renominated, governor" 

"I shall go into the New York caucus and tell 
the delegates that I shall, if nominated for Vice- 
President, arise in the convention and decline. 
I can serve you. Senator Piatt, far better as Gov- 
ernor than as Vice-President," said Roosevelt 
pugnaciously. 

"But you cannot be renominated for Governor; 
and you are going to be nominated for Vice-Presi- 
dent," was my retort. 

389 



The Autohiographu of Thomas Collier Piatt 

''I cannot be renominated?" queried Roosevelt. 

"No; your successor is in this room?" said I, 
pointing to Chairman Odell. 

"Now I want your promise, that if you are in- 
dorsed by the New York caucus, you will not re- 
fuse, and that, if you are nominated by the con- 
vention, you will run," I added. 

Roosevelt showed his teeth, paced up and down 
the room, and chafed as a horse does under a tight 
rein and curbed bit. 

"Well, Senator Piatt," finally returned Roose- 
velt reluctantly, "I will pledge myself not to for- 
mally decline the New York caucus indorsement, 
but I shall certainly urge the caucus to name an- 
other," he added. 

"And remember I shall pinch you if I see any 
signs of your getting up and declining," put in 
my son. 

"pinch as hard as you like" 

"All right, you may pinch me as hard as you 
like," answered Roosevelt, as he and Frank hur- 
ried to the caucus of the New York delegation, 
then in progress on the main floor of the Hotel 
Walton. 

The session was a long and rather heated one. 
Some of the delegates used very plain English to 
Governor Roosevelt. One of the most forceful 
speeches was made by Edward Lauterbach. Ris- 
ing and advancing to the front row of delegates, 
where Mr. Roosevelt was seated, Mr. Lauterbach, 

noo 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

emphasizing his remarks by gestures almost in 
Mr. Roosevelt's face, said to him: "Your very 
presence at this convention as a delegate-at-large 
is an allurement to the convention to nominate 
you. You come here, and moving among the dele- 
gates, associating with your old friends from the 
West, and for that matter in all parts of the coun- 
try, with the glamor of the Spanish War resting 
on you, you temjit the delegates to support you 
and make you the candidate, regardless of what 
you may say as to your wishes in the matter." 

While he was speaking, many will remember 
the elevator in the Walton Hotel suddenly fell 
with a loud crash. This interrupted the speech 
and caused confusion for a few minutes. As soon 
as order was restored, Mr. Lauterbach relieved 
the tension by the jocose remark: "I brought 
down the house, anyhow." 

Senator Depew was presiding, and at length Mr. 
Eoosevelt arose and addressed him. He reiterated 
in most emphatic terms his statement that he 
was not a candidate for the Vice-Presidency, and 
his associates from New York must respect his 
wishes, and neither work among the delegates to 
bring about his nomination, nor present his name 
to the convention for that office. 

THE PINCH THAT MADE A PRESIDENT 

Just as Dr. Albert Shaw, Frederick W. Holls, 
Nicholas Murray Butler, and others of Roosevelt's 

391 



Tlie Autohiographij of TJiomaa Collier Piatt 

self-constituted friends, clustered about him and 
whispered audibly: ''Say you'll decline if nomi- 
nated, Governor," my son pinched Roosevelt in 
the leg and said: ''Remember your contract with 
the Senator, Governor." 

Roosevelt kept faith. He ignored the solicita- 
tions of Shaw and the others and sat down. In 
other words, a "pinch" may be said to have made 
Roosevelt President, for had he executed the 
threat of declining and it had been accepted, he 
would never have reached the White House. For- 
mer Senator Elon R. Brown, of Jefferson; Judge 
Leslie W. Russell, of St. Lawrence ; Congressman 
George E. Waldo, of Brooklyn; and ex-Senator 
George B. Sloan, of Oswego, were among those 
who spoke. Senator Brown and Mr. Sloan and 
Mr. Russell, in dignified and forceful language, 
said that Mr. Roosevelt's wishes ought to be re- 
spected and the Vice-Presidency should not be 
forced upon him against his expressed desire. 
Several of the speakers favored the candidacy of 
Timothy L. Woodruff. The discussion lasted for 
about two hours. At length a motion was made 
and carried without dissenting voice that the dele- 
gation support Lieutenant-Governor Timothy L. 
Woodruff as New York's candidate for the Vice- 
Presidency, and the meeting adjourned with that 
as its only action. 



392 



The Auiohiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 



ROOSEVELT CONCLUDES TO ACCEPT 

About the same time that the announcement of 
New York's action was made to the delegates scat- 
tered throughout the hotel corridors and in the 
small rooms upstairs, came the statement from 
Senator Hanna that, in his opinion, Mr. Roose- 
velt should be the candidate for Vice-President, 
and that he would work to his utmost to bring 
about his nomination. The events of the next day 
showed that Mr. Hanna had accurately gaged the 
situation. Mr. Woodruff withdrew his name from 
the consideration of the New York delegates, when 
it became known that Mr. Roosevelt would accept. 

Of course, the usual spectacular effects of a 
convention crowd were employed in developing, 
drawing out and crystallizing what was actually 
to be the result of the convention. One of these 
incidents was the appearance of the entire dele- 
gation from Kansas — profusely decorated with 
badges — at Governor Roosevelt's headquarters. 
Summoning the newspaper men, in their presence 
it was announced to him: ''Whatever might be 
your wishes, ambition or final decision, this dele- 
gation proposes to vote for you at all hazards. 
Nothing that you could say would stop us from 
using all our efforts in j^our behalf, both in pre- 
liminaries, in the corridors and on the floor of 
the convention." It was on this occasion that 
Roosevelt caused it to be known that he would 
yield as gracefully as possible, if the convention 

393 



The Aut()bi()ij:rai)hji of Thomas Collier Piatt 

took ''the bit in its teeth" and insisted upon nomi- 
nating him. Such a demonstration was merely 
an incident, however. The nomination of Mr. 
Roosevelt was as certain as fate when Senator 
Hanna made it known to myself and to Senator 
Quay that he would join his forces with ours. 

"PLATT DID it" CLARKSON 

General Clarkson bears witness again: "In 
1900, he (Piatt) saw, as only a few others did, that 
the ticket would need for certain success an in- 
fusion of blood, enthusiasm and dashing courage, 
of the man of the new generation. He had also 
known since a certain day on San Juan Hill who 
was the man. So he set his will to the purpose 
of putting Roosevelt on the ticket ; and it was his 
great personality, joined to that of Quay's, that 
dominated the convention into acquiescence, and 
persuaded Roosevelt himself into acceptance. The 
campaign and all the results since proved his 
wisdom in seeing in time that the new generation, 
already up in the saddle, should begin to have 
its way; and taking the responsibility of leader- 
ship in the vast new questions then so seriously 
opening up before the Republic. The critics said 
he was up to mischief — a marplot; the cynics, that 
he was seeking revenge in forcing Roosevelt on 
the ticket. Time has already proved that instead 
he was faithfully naming and presenting the leader 
of the new generation." 

394 



The AutobioL^raphij of Thoman Collier Piatt 

The wisdom of mj^ insistence that Roosevelt 
should be McKinley's running mate was vindi- 
cated at the polls. The McKinley-Roosevelt team 
simply ran away from Bryan and his mate, and 
New York State was kept in the Republican 
column. 

NO SHELVING INTENDED 

President Nicholas Murray Butler, of Columbia 
University; Albert Shaw, of the Review of Re- 
vieivs; Frederick W. Holls, and others who pre- 
tended to be Governor Roosevelt's friends at 
Philadelphia, were most persistent in trying to 
poison the Governor's mind with insinuations that 
my sole object in naming him for Vice-President 
was to politically "shelve" him. 

I ignored this twaddle at the time, and I have 
no recollection of referring to it publiclj^ before. 
I came across the answer in an editorial written 
by my friend, Charles H. Betts, of the Lyons Re- 
publican, November 22, 1900. I take pleasure in 
reproducing it: 

ROOSEVELT IN THE CAMPAIGN 

Wlien Governor Roosevelt accepted the nomina- 
tion for Vice-President, many of his friends were 
displeased and disappointed, and it was openly 
stated that his nomination for that office was sim- 
ply a wicked scheme to ** shelve Roosevelt." This 

395 



The Autob'iographij of Thomas- Collier Piatt 

view, however, was presented, for the most part, 
by the unthinking and superficial, who were actu- 
ated more by mugwump malice than by reason. 
This view was also presented by those who had a 
very limited and a very false idea of the real 
Theodore Roosevelt. ^Vhen any one talks about 
shelving Eoosevelt, they simply expose their ig- 
norance of the man. To be sure, there have been 
but few Vice-Presidents who ever went higher 
after occupying that office. But that indicates 
nothing, for the simple reason that no Roosevelts 
have ever before been nominated to that office. 

No candidate for Vice-President in the whole 
history of this Pepublic ever made such a canvass 
in a national campaign as did Eoosevelt in the 
campaign that has recently closed. The reason 
is simple. No Theodore Roosevelt was ever be- 
fore nominated. When before has any Vice-Presi- 
dential candidate ever become the central figure, 
the leading general, the field marshal of a national 
political campaign ? Those who thought that Roose- 
velt made a mistake in accepting the nomination 
for Vice-President will do well to remember that 
in the campaign just closed Governor Roosevelt 
has increased his prestige, power and popularity 
one hundred fold. Early in the campaign he be- 
came the national Republican leader who on every 
occasion was pitted against Bryan and who van- 
quished the Democratic Presidential candidate off 
every field. He answered all of Bryan's questions. 
Bryan could answer none of his. Besides all this, 

396 



The Autohiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Roosevelt broke all records as a campaigner. He 
traveled more miles, visited more States, spoke 
in more towns, made more speeches and addressed 
a larger nimiber of people than any man who ever 
went on the American stump. He beat Bryan all 
through the campaign, and he beat him on elec- 
tion day. What more could he have done if he 
had been the candidate for President! Is it not 
plain that the man makes the office, not the office 
the man? Is it not plain that the candidate for 
Vice-President did not make Roosevelt, but that 
Roosevelt made the candidate for Vice-President 
the leading and central figure in one of the most 
important and remarkable campaigns since the 
foundation of the Republic? And in this connec- 
tion, we wish to call attention to the fact that 
Senator Piatt was Roosevelt's best friend. Time 
has proven this, and it has also vindicated Senator 
Piatt's judgment and made his critics and ene- 
mies, who impugned his motives, look mean and 
small indeed. 

I may add that instead of '' helving" Roose- 
velt, I must plead guilty to the charge c^ ''kick- 
ing him upstairs." I believe Roosevelt himself 
would convict me of this. 

RELATIONS WITH M 'KINLEY 

My relations with President McKinley were, 
almost from the beginning of his first administra- 

397 



The Autobiograph?/ of TJiomas Collier Piatt 

tion, cordial. He never held it against me that I 
had honestly opposed his nomination, through the 
sincere conviction that Governor ]Morton would be 
more acceptable to New York and the East, and 
that I regarded him (McKinley) as wabbly on 
finance. He committed no such errors as did Gar- 
field in refusing to accept the recommendations 
of the Empire State organization for Federal 
places in New York. Invariably when an office 
was to be filled, he requested that I, as chief of 
the organization and U. S. Senator, submit our 
choice. And that choice was, except in rare cases, 
his. 

When, for instance, certain anti-machine lead- 
ers, who based their claims for recognition simply 
upon the ground that they had supported him for 
the nomination at St. Louis, while the regular or- 
ganization was against it, sought to appropriate 
the New York patronage, President McKinley 
frankly told them that they must invent some bet- 
ter excuse than that. In spite of their arguments, 
he appointed George E. Bidwell Collector of the 
Port of New York, Cornelius Van Cott Post- 
master, and named for the big offices only such 
men as finally had the indorsement of the dominant 
organization. 

"When he made up his mind to put Cornelius N. 
Bliss in as Secretar}^ of the Interior, he sent for 
me and asked me if I had any objections. Though 
Bliss had been anything but a fi-icnd, I answered 
that I believed he would be an excellent cabinet 

398 



The Autohiograpiui of Thomas Collier Flatt 

officer, and that if his appointment would restore 
harmony among New York Republicans, I would 
offer no protest. Bliss was named. For a time 
at least there was no friction between the wings 
represented by Bliss and myself. 

Once in a while there were differences between 
us about New York appointments, but they were 
eventually smoothed over, and Bliss went out of 
the cabinet voluntarily with my benediction. 

President McKinley was the most tender- 
hearted man I ever met in politics. He was a 
peace-maker rather than a fighter. Perhaps to 
him the cruelest act he was called upon to per- 
form was to advise the declaration of war upon 
Spain in 1898. He had served with distinction in 
the Civil War. He told me he had seen blood and 
carnage enough then to satisfy him for a lifetime. 
His chief solicitation was about the American 
homes that would be wrecked and the widows and 
orphans that would be produced, through any of- 
ficial act of his. But when the hour came for him 
to take a decisive step, with the memory of the 
brave sailor boys who died aboard the Maine sunk 
deep in his heart, he did not falter. No man in 
this country was happier than when articles of 
peace were signed. And no man did more to se- 
cure to Cuba and her people the freedom for which 
they fought. 

There was not a ripple of opposition to the re- 
nomination of President McKinley. His election 
was assured from the start. It could not have 

399 



TiL€ Autobiography of Tliomas Collier Flatt 

been doubtful, inasmuch as his rival was again 
the champion of free silver and other heresies. 

McKinley's second term began under most aus- 
picious skies. He had endeared himself to all who 
knew him. I am inclined to agree with Senator 
John M. Thurston, when he wrote: "McKinlev 
is the best-loved President since Lincoln." 

ASSASSINATION OF M 'KINLEY 

Little did any of us dream that he would suffer 
the tragic fate of the great Emancipator. 

As a young man I was shocked at the news of 
the assassination of President Lincoln. As a poli- 
tician and n:iature man I was horrified by the mur- 
der of Garfield. I was completely dazed — ap- 
palled — when September 6, 1901, a newspaper 
man informed me, while at dinner, that President 
McKinley was shot. At first I could not credit 
it. I could not conceive how a man who had per- 
haps fewer enemies than any President we ever 
had would be singled out for punishment. I re- 
call, however, that when there came the astound- 
ing, distressing, sickening message from Buffalo 
describing how Anarchist Czolgoscz had put a 
pistol to the President's heart, I exclaimed: "Had 
I been there, I should have forgotten there is a 
law against lynching." I really could not control 
myself. Had there been a rope handy I should 
have helped to hang the brute to the nearest lamp- 
post. 

400 



TJie AuiohiograpJnj of Thomas Collier Piatt 



NO TEMrORIZING WITH ASSASSINS 

I said at the time, and I reassert it, that I do 
not believe in temporizing^ with assassins of pub- 
lic men. The speediest punishment should follow 
their crimes. The quicker the drumhead court- 
martial is summoned and the wretch punished to 
the fullest extent of the law, the better for the 
country and for society. 

When later in the day advices indicated that 
the President had partially recovered from the 
shock, and Dr. Eixey wired he would live, I could 
not repress a "Thank God!" and added: "Here- 
after I am a belligerent McKinleyite." 

How prayerfully and tearfully wo watched the 
bulletins telling the latest phases of the great pa- 
tient's suffering! How millions of children in the 
nation's schools lifted their hands to Heaven and 
implored God to save the President to them ! We 
hoped those prayers would be answered. But a 
little more than a week after his prostration. 
President McKinley, a smile on his lips, and 
whispering: "Thy will be done," passed to the 
above. 

The entire nation was in mourning. As if to 
add to the tragedy of the event, Eoosevelt, who 
had been summoned to Buffalo to immediately 
take the oath of office as President, was reported 
lost in the Adirondacks. With his proverbial luck, 
however, he soon emerged, and after a thrilling 
carriage ride of thirty miles, caught a special 

401 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

train, that whisked him to the bier of his prede- 
cessor. 

ROOSEVELT AS PRESIDENT 

That the new President fully appreciated the 
deplorable circumstances under which he was ele- 
vated to the chieftainship of the nation, was mani- 
fested by him soon after he qualified. Then he 
issued this proclamation: 

*'In this hour of deep and national bereavement, 
I wish to state that it shall be my aim to continue 
absolutely and without variance the policy of 
President McKinley, for the peace, prosperity and 
honor of our beloved country." 

These lines did much to restore the confidence 
of the business community and allay the misap- 
prehension some felt that a revolution in Mc- 
Kinley 's conduct of the Government was threat- 
ened. 

Though inclined to be spectacular, and the di- 
rect antithesis of McKinley in some methods of 
dealing with public problems, I desire to testify 
that Poosevelt kept the faith he pledged at Buf- 
falo, September 14, 1901. He sincerely sought to 
follow in the footsteps of McKinley and proved 
himself one of our greatest Presidents. I may be 
pardoned if I remind my readers that but for my 
insistence upon his nomination for the Vice-Prosi- 
dency, Koosevelt would certainly not have suc- 
ceeded McKinley in 1901, and maybe he would 
never have been President of the United States. 

402 



The Autobiography of lliomas Collier Piatt 



HOW ROOT BECAME WAR SECRETARY 

I have frequently been asked how it liappened 
that I finally permitted Elihu Root to become Sec- 
retary of War under President McKinley. Some 
have regarded it as inexplicable that I should ever 
have allowed a man who had so many years fought 
me, to obtain a high cabinet portfolio while I, as 
a U. S. Senator, possessed the power to at least 
block him for a while or defeat the confirmation 
of his nomination. I will tell you how Root came 
to be Secretaiy of War, and with my acquiescence. 

The first McKinley administration began with- 
out any understanding as to where I stood in the 
President's regard. I had opposed McKinley 's 
nomination to the last. I had been instrumental 
in an offer to combine the field against McKinley 's 
nomination at St. Louis. I had suggested the 
plan of New England being for Reed; New York 
for Morton; Pennsylvania for Quay; Indiana for 
Fairbanks; Iowa for Allison, and the various 
States each for a favorite son. Even when this 
combination broke under the terrific pounding it 
received from Mark A. Hanna, I did not abate 
my opposition to McKinley 's nomination, but car- 
ried it into the convention. I was not reconciled 
to it even by the concession that Hanna reluc- 
tantly made of a plank in the platform, distinctly 
committing the Republican party to the gold 
standard. During the campaign, though I had 
been constantly consulted, it was by Quay rather 

403 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

than by Hanna. The administration, as I have 
stated, really commenced without my knowing 
whether or not I was persona non grata at the 
White House. 

I was not left long in suspense, however. The 
President made haste to consult and conciliate me. 
I was soon made to feel that my advice on public 
matters was welcome to the President, and that 
no New York appointments would be made with- 
out my approval. 

The first test came on the nomination of Theo- 
dore Roosevelt to be Assistant Secretary of the 
Navy. At that time I did not feel very cordial 
toward Eoosevelt, but when the President wanted 
to make the nomination, I was the medium through 
which that nomination reached Poosevelt. [See 
details in addenda.] 

A severer test of my willingness to cooperate 
with the President came when my warm personal 
friend, General Eussell A. Alger, having been bit- 
terly attacked as Secretary of War, in connection 
with the conflict with Spain, was forced to retire 
from his office. The President wanted the serv- 
ices in this office of a great law^^er, and had fixed 
his mind on Klihu Poot. He knew that I profound- 
ly resented the displacement of Alger by anybody, 
and he knew that Root had been my consistent op- 
ponent in New York State political affairs. The 
President wanted to feel his way. Therefore he 
got some of my friends on his side before he 
made the coimmmication to me that Root was to 

404 



The Autohio^raphji of Thomas CuUUt Plait 

be appointed. The President sent for Congress- 
man Lemuel Ely Quigg, at the time president of 
the New York County Committee and known to 
be in my confidence. The President asked Quigg 
to find out how I would receive the suggestion of 
Mr. Boot's appointment. Mr. Quigg saw me and 
made the communication. As near as I can re- 
member I said to Quigg: 

THOMAS F. RYAN CLINCHES IT 

"There is room in this world for all kinds of 
men. Elihu Boot is one of the keenest, ablest and 
squarest opponents that I ever have met. Per- 
sonally I do not care whether or not he is Sec- 
retary of War. I won't go across the street to 
help him, and I won't get out of my chair to hurt 
him. But if anybody is going to tell Elihu Boot 
what I guess will be welcome news to him, that he 
is to be Secretary of War, I want that man to be 
Thomas F. Byan. So you go to Mr. Byan and 
give him my compliments, and tell him that the 
President wants to see Mr. Boot, offering the of- 
fice of Secretary of War, and that he shall tell 
Mr. Boot from whom he got his information. ' ' 

I rather suspect that Mr. Byan saw Mr. Boot. 
Anyway, the President nominated Boot, and I 
voted for the confirmation of his nomination. And 
we have been good friends ever since. 



405 



CHAPTER XX 

1901 

Influences that made Seth Low Mayor — Selected 
by my allies after a long contest in the Fiosion 
conference — He fails to drive the Tiger out 
of the city government — Forgot he ivas a Re- 
publican — Plays the mugwump game and is 
forced into private life. 

To Timothy L. Woodruff and Robert C. 
Morris, more than to any other individuals, was 
due the nomination and election of Seth Low for 
Mayor of New York in 1901. 

Four-fifths of the vote cast for Low was cast by 
the Republicans who followed the leadership of 
these men, despite the fact that nearly all the 
other nominees on the anti-Tammany ticket were 
Democrats. 

Morris, as president of the New York Republi- 
can County Committee, having been elected to that 
office by my friends, really began the anti-Tam- 
many campaign in 1900 during the Presidential 
contest of that year. T\Tiile performing yeoman 
ser\^ce in behalf of McKinley and Roosevelt, the 
party nominees for President and Vice-President, 
and Odell and Woodruff, the candidates for Gov- 
ernor and Lieutenant-Governor, Mr. Morris had 

406 



TJie Aulohiograplifj of Thomas Collier Piatt 

his eye constantly on a plan for the redemption of 
New York from Tammany misrule. Though the 
Presidential contest was at fever heat, President 
Morris frequently consulted with me about what 
ought to be done to drive the Tiger out of the City 
Hall. I so thoroughly trusted Morris that I had 
no hesitation in telling him to go ahead and I 
would stand for anything he did. 

It had been demonstrated by the 1897 election 
returns that there was a tangible and certain anti- 
Tammany plurality in the city. The combined 
vote of Low, Citizens' Union, and Tracy, Kepubli- 
can, showed a plurality of about 50,000 over Van 
"Wyck, the Tammany candidate for Mayor that 
year. How to unite this vote was the task to 
which Morris set himself. 

Early in February of 1901, President Morris 
called the New York Eepublican County Commit- 
tee together, and it declared for a fusion of all 
anti-Tammany forces. In the words of the reso- 
lution adopted, it avowed its purpose to unite 
"with all other organizations and associations, 
social or political, and with all persons, without 
regard to party affiliations, in efforts to elect a 
municipal ticket, selected without regard to par- 
tisanship and commanding public confidence." 

ANTI-TAMMANY AMALGAMATION 

With this. President Morris renewed efforts al- 
ready begun months back to amalgamate oppo- 

407 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

nents of Tammany Hall. He and Lieutenant- 
Governor Woodruff; National Committeeman 
Frederick S. Gibbs; Postmaster Cornelius Van 
Cott; George R. Sheldon, afterward Treasurer of 
the Republican National Committee; and other 
Greater New York leaders, were in daily consul- 
tation with me. By May the proposed Fusion 
movement was an entity. In that month the New 
York Republican Committee paid President 
Morris the unprecedented compliment of confer- 
ring upon him power to name a committee to 
confer with representatives of other anti-Tam- 
many bodies, and take such action as he and it 
might deem advisable. President Morris selected 
Frederick S. Gibbs; Chairman William H. Ten 
Eyck, of the New York Republican County Execu- 
tive Committee; Postmaster Cornelius Van Cott; 
Captain F. Norton Goddard; McDougall Hawkes; 
and George R. Sheldon. 

Meantime, Lieutenant-Governor Woodruff was 
experiencing the most difficult job he had yet es- 
sajed to secure a union of anti-Tammany forces 
from Kings. The Croker machine in Manhattan, 
and the McLaughlin machine in Brooklyn!, busied 
themselves to make it sure that every opposing 
force should be split into factions, and demand 
such returns from promoters of the Fusion pro- 
gram as to make it impossible for them to unite. 
The chief opponent of Hugh ^McLaughlin, the 
Democratic leader in Kings, was then the late 
Senator Michael J. Coffey. Coffey organized the 

408 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Brooklyn Democracy to down McLaughlin. When 
approached about joining the anti-Tammany com- 
bination for the campaign, Coffey demanded the 
right of naming Colonel Edward M. Knox for 
Mayor, the Brooklyn Borough President, and 
nearly every other nominee in that borough. The 
Citizens' Union rebelled against this and began 
to threaten to go it alone. The Single Taxers, led 
by A. J. Boulton, boomed Bird S. Coler for Mayor, 
and seized upon the Citizens' Union organization. 
The German-American Municipal Reform League 
boosted Charles A. Schieren for Mayor, while an- 
other for the time irreconcilable element was the 
German Democrats, which Otto Kempner organ- 
ized into the German- American Citizens' League. 

ALL-SUMMER CONFERENCES 

There were many acrimonious conferences 
among the Kings factions. Finally Coffey was 
won over by the promise that J. Edward Swan- 
strom should be the candidate for Borough Presi- 
dent, and the other organizations were pledged 
places on the county or other local tickets. Mor- 
ris and Woodruff, with full authority to act for 
their organizations, met the other anti-Tammany 
organization committees May 28. R. Fulton Cut- 
ting spoke for the Citizens' Union; John C. Shee- 
han for the Greater New York Democracy; Lieu- 
tenant-Governor Woodruff for the Kings County 
Republicans; Herman Bidder for the German- 

409 



The Autohiograpliy of Thomas Collier Piatt 

American Reform Union; Otto Kempner for the 
Brooklyn Citizens' League; Henry Weissman for 
the Brooklyn Municipal League; Benno Leowy for 
the Republican League; Gustav Scholer for the 
German- American Republican Committee; and 
George L. Davis for the New York Municipal 
League. 

Conferences were held throughout the summer 
as to the make-up of the tickets, City, County, Leg- 
islative and Aldermanic. The attitude of the 
Republican organizations throughout was, that 
they merely desired the nomination of candidates 
who would, if elected, be a guarantee for honest, 
intelligent, economic, business-like and non-parti- 
san government, as against a band of Tammany 
Hall conspirators, devoted to public plunder, and 
whose office-holders, to use the language of Rich- 
ard Croker, the chief of Tammany, "are working 
for their pockets all the tune." 

STRIFE OVER NOMINEES 

It was of course a very hard and, at times, ex- 
asperating task to solidify the various elements 
upon tickets. The Greater New York Democracy, 
for instance, insisted that only a simon-pure Demo- 
crat like John D. Crimmins, Jacob A. Cantor, 
John G. Carlisle, John Dewitt Warner, Charles V. 
Fornes or Daniel S. Lamont be named for Mayor. 
.The Citizens' LTnion submitted the names of John 
Dewitt Warner, George L. Rives, George Foster 

410 



i 



TJie Aiitobiographi/ of TJtomas Collier Piatt 

Peabody and Seth Low. The Germans stuck it 
out for Bidder, until it became apparent that he 
could not be chosen. The Brooklyn Democracy 
urged Colonel Knox. Kidder, disappointed that 
he could not himself be placed at the head of the 
ticket, concentrated his fire upon Mr. Low so ef- 
fectively for a while, that the Citizens' Union 
finally withdrew his name. But just then Wood- 
ruff stepped in and assumed charge of the Low 
campaign, in conjunction with President Morris. 
They succeeded in weaning away from Ridder a 
majority of his German adherents, and on the first 
ballot taken for Mayor in the conference, secured 
for Low eleven of the eighteen votes. The Citi- 
zens' Union lined up against Low, maintaining 
that either Warner, Peabody or Rives should be 
nominated. Cutting, however, on second ballot 
swung his Citizens' Union followers for Low, and 
he was declared the nominee with unanimity, ex- 
cept that Mr. Ridder stood out against him. 

Edward M. Grout, Democrat, of Brooklyn, and 
Charles V. Fornes, Democrat, of Manhattan, were 
made the candidates for Comptroller and Presi- 
dent of the Board of Aldermen, respectively. 
Grout was really selected by Lieutenant-Governor 
Woodiniff. 

The Republican city convention, on September 
24, ratified the ticket. The platform so correctly 
describes prevalent municipal conditions that I 
shall quote from it here: 



411 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 



TAMMANY, A BAND OF CONSPIRATORS 

We arraign Tammany Hall as a band of con- 
spirators against the public welfare; as an organ- 
ization devoted to public plunder, whose office- 
holders, in the conduct of the public business, to 
use the language of their chief, ''are working for 
their pockets all the time." 

The administration of the Police Department 
embodies and illustrates the theory and practice 
of Tammany Government. License to break the 
law is unblushingly bought and sold, and those 
who are sworn to enforce the law are the agents 
of its subversion. The machinery designed for 
the administration of justice is employed to pro- 
mote vice and to protect criminals, and the sys- 
tem of blackmail is carried so far that in many 
parts of the city it is not possible to conduct an 
honest and legitimate business, until tribute has 
been paid to official and unofficial blackmailers. 

In the name of our candidates, we promise that 
if they are elected, the blackmail iniquity, which is 
the foulest disgrace of Tammany government, 
shall be rendered impossible by the complete re- 
organization of the Police Department. In the 
four years Tammany Hall has administered the 
Greater City of New York, the budget has been 
increased from seventy-seven million dollars to 
the enormous amount of ninety-eight million dol- 
lars; and to raise this sum by taxation, the tax 
rate has been annually increased, in spite of the 

412 



The Autahiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

constant increase in the valuation of the real and 
personal property. How this enormous amount 
paid by the taxpayers has been expended by Tam- 
many Hall, appears in the vast and ever-increas- 
ing roster of the municipal service. Thousands of 
places have been created in the departments, sole- 
ly for the purpose of supporting Tammany work- 
ers at the public expense. Salaries have been in- 
creased without reason or excuse. Favoritism and 
extravagance in the purchase of supplies, and in 
the conduct of the public business generally, have 
disgraced almost every department of the city 
government. 

The one issue in this campaign is an upright 
administration of municipal affairs, conceived and 
executed solely for the benefit of the people. It 
is the issue of common honesty. It is the fight of 
good citizenship against bad, selfish and careless 
citizenship. It is an issue that must abide, and a 
fight that must be kept up until the Tammany 
idea of government has been uprooted and 
destroj'ed. 

With such candidates, standing upon the plat- 
form outlined, the anti-Tammany organizations 
began a most vigorous campaign for the release of 
the city from the fangs of the Tiger. Fusion on a 
County ticket, and Aldermanic and Legislative 
tickets, too, was effected. 



41 



Q 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 



JEROME, THE STORMY PETREL 

"William Travers Jerome was named for District 
Attorney. And he proved the stormy petrel of 
the canvass. Having been grossly mininformed, 
by whom I know not, Jerome, one night, at Lyric 
Hall, delivered a vituperative attack upon me. 
He publicly accused me of having conspired with 
the late William C. Whitney, and other supposed 
supporters of the Tammany ticket, to defeat him 
at the polls. There was not the slightest justifi- 
cation for the charge. The best answer to it, per- 
haps, was that the day prior to the Jerome utter- 
ance, I had sent to headquarters a substantial con- 
tribution to the Jerome campaign fund. This 
Jerome very soon verified. WTiile Tammanv was 
seeking to make the most of Jerome's assault upon 
me, and ardent Kepublicans were threatening to 
resent it by either putting him off the ticket or 
insuring his defeat at the polls, the candidate with- 
drew his charge and demonstrated to the satisfac- 
tion of all concerned that he had been the unwill- 
ing victim of misinformation. Except for this 
incident, there was none that seriously impeded 
the march of the Fusion hosts to victory. 

Rarely have the Greater New York Republican 
organizations conducted a more offensive battJe 
than they did in the 1901 campaign. A house-to- 
house canvass was made and so thoroughly man- 
aged that we knew fully a fortnight before elec- 
tion day that we had Tammany whipped. Despite 

414 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Kicliard Croker's attempt to conceal the Tiger's 
claws beneath the cloak of Edward M. Shepard, 
his candidate for Mayor, a man who had hitherto 
been his implacable foe, Low defeated him by over 
30,000 plurality. Every candidate on the Fusion 
City and County tickets was elected. So chagrined 
was Mr. Croker that he formally abdicated for- 
ever the Tammany leadership, and hied himself 
back to the seclusion of his Irish castle. 

As Job E. Hedges aptly observed at the time: 
"The Fusion movement put an end to government 
by cable." 

LOW AND I AGREE ON PATRONAGE 

The Republican organizations fared much bet- 
ter for patronage under Low than under Strong. 
Strong had been long on preelection promises, but 
nothing in fulfilment. Low made comparatively 
few promises, but I must do him the justice to 
say tliat he did his best to make those few good. 
Soon after Low's election, he and I met at the 
Fifth Avenue Hotel. It was agreed between us 
that Colonel John N. Partridge, who had served 
under Low while Mayor of Brooklyn, in the early 
eighties, as Police Commissioner, and under Gov- 
ernor Roosevelt as Superintendent of Public 
Works, should be Police Commissioner for the 
Greater New York. Partridge was not the first 
choice of the organizations, but was accepted, and 
he was appointed as a Republican. So were 

415 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Plait 

MacDougall Hawkes, Dock Commissioner; Thos. 
Sturgis, Fire Commissioner; William R. Will- 
cox, President of the Park Commission; Kmh- 
ard Young, Commissioner of Parks for Brookljm; 
James L. Wells, President, and Commissioner 
Samuel Strassbourger, of the Tax Board; and 
Homer Folks, Commissioner of Charities. Not 
all of these were by any means devoted Republi- 
can organization men, but they were so much to 
be preferred to those named by Strong that we 
acquiesced in their selection. 

Though, as I have said, the Republicans cast 
four-fifths of the entire vote for Low, he named 
Republicans for only fifteen of the twenty-five 
most important places within his gift. The great 
Street Cleaning Department was placed in charge 
of Dr. John McGraw Woodbury, whom we never 
had heard of as a street cleaner or anything else. 
He was said to be a Democrat. Herman Ridder, 
who so emphatically opposed the nomination of 
Low, landed Gustav Lindenthal as Commissioner 
of Bridges. E. J. Lederle, whose politics I never 
knew, was made Commissioner of Health ; Robert 
W. DeForest, Democrat, was made Tenement 
House Commissioner; Thomas W. Hynes, Demo- 
crat, Commissioner of Correction; J. Hampden 
Dougherty, Democrat, Commissioner of Gas, Elec- 
tricity and Water Supply; William H. Russell and 
Edward T. Owen, Democrats, Commissioners of 
Accounts. John E. Eustis, at present one of the 
Hughes Public Service Commissioners, was named 

416 



The Autohiogra2)hy of Thomas Collier Piatt 

for Park Commissioner for the Bronx. George L. 
Rives, Democrat, was chosen Corporation Counsel. 
Though he was peculiarly objectionable to some 
of the most devoted supporters of Low, they of- 
fered no opposition. 

ONE PERSON APPOINTED FOR ME 

Low had one Judge of the Special Sessions 
Court to name. He for a long time refused to 
consider the claims of any Republican. He in- 
sisted that he must have a Hebrew Democrat. 
There were more conferences between Low and 
Morris over this appointment than over any other 
except perhaps that of McDougall Hawkes. Mor- 
ris from the outset maintained that a Republican 
should be selected, and kept urging Julius M. 
Mayer, a Republican Hebrew. The Mayor finally 
agreed to appoint him if I would make a personal 
request. I did. so, and Mayer went upon the bench. 

Looking back over the personnel of the Low 
administration, I can hardly recall another official 
whose appointment was due ultimately to my per- 
sonal desire. I have been told since that with the 
completion of his cabinet. Mayor Low became pos- 
sessed of the idea that he had done all he thought 
necessary for the Republican organization. And 
much to the disappointment of tlie leaders he per- 
mitted Republican and Democratic heads of de- 
partments to studiously ignore recommendations 
for place in subordinate positions. The result 

417 



The Aulohioi(rai)h}j uf Thumas Collier Flatt 

was that instead of the devoutly wished for turn- 
ing out of office of thousands of Tammany hench- 
men, which the people had a right to expect when 
they voted for Low, thousands upon thousands of 
them continued to hold jobs and labor incessantly 
for the machine in Fourteenth Street. 

Grout, whose ambition seemed to be to succeed 
Low as Mavor, as the nominee of the Democratic 
party, played in with Tammany Hall so success- 
fully as to force his selection for Comptroller by 
that organization three years later. 

Fornes had very little patronage to dispense. 
He did fulfil one promise, and that was to make 
Herbert Parsons, now chairman of the New York 
Republican County Committee, chairman of the 
Aldermanic Finance Committee. Probably 40,000 
of the 45,000 employees carried on the city payrolls 
had been thrown under the protection of the civil 
service by Tammany Hall. Therefore, only about 
one-ninth of the total number of places were avail- 
able for the new administration. Commissioner 
of Docks Hawkes, though appointed expressly 
upon recommendation of President Morris, and 
though possessing about fifteen hundred places 
for distribution, retained all but about three hun- 
dred of the Tammany followers he found in his 
department. Fire Commissioner Sturgis pursued 
a similar policy. So did the majority of the other 
Republican heads of departments. 



418 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Plait 



FUSION "pap" used TO FEED THE TIGER 

As for the Democratic department chiefs, prac- 
tically all of them seemed imbued with a deter- 
mination to court the favor of Tammany Hall, 
hoping that with the coming of another campaign 
they would be honored with places on that organi- 
zation's ticket. This was particularly true of 
President Jacob A. Cantor, of the Borough of 
Manhattan, who, by the way, has not been heard 
of in politics since he retired. 

Jerome declined to consider any proposition for 
the appointment of attaches in the District Attor- 
ney's office desired by the Republican organiza- 
tion. President Willcox, of the Park Commis- 
sion, and his associates, followed a policy of an- 
tagonism toward any suggestions President Mor- 
ris might make. The result was that instead of 
Low and his running mates turning the ** Tam- 
many rascals" out, an army of over forty thou- 
sand was permitted to retain place. And this 
army fought as one man successfully in 1903 to 
put Low out and McClellan in the Mayor's chair. 
Indeed, if the election returns of that year are 
studied closely, it will be seen that the united sup- 
port by this aggregation of the Tammany candi- 
dates was more than sufficient to undo all that had 
been promised by those who made up and put in 
power the Fusion nominees of two years before. 



419 



CHAPTER XXI 

1901-1906 

How I nominated and elected Odell Governor — 
He starts out too quick to become a State 
leader — Our differences over appointments 
and legislation — Great mistake in failure to 
put the police under State supervision — Con- 
tests at 1902 ayid 1904 State and National 
conventions — Am reelected to the Senate — 
Roosevelt cause of OdelVs downfall — Hughes, 
the dictator. 

The nomination of Roosevelt for Vice-Presi- 
dent consummated, it became necessarj^ to select 
his successor for Governor. 

A practically unanimous sentiment for Benja- 
min B. Odell, Jr., developed among the loyal Re- 
publicans. He had been a successful business man 
at Newburgh, had served several terms in Con- 
gress, and seemed well fitted to take up the reins 
about to be laid down by Roosevelt. 

The one argument raised against Odell was that 
he had been too closely identified with and too 
active in organization politics. This carried no 
weight with me. Nor did it wield any influence 
with the delegates who assembled at Saratoga in 

420 




TIMOTHY L. WOODRUFF FRANK W. HIGGINS 

JOHN RAINES 
421 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

September of 1900. They nominated Odell with- 
out serious opposition. In so doing they bore 
testimony to his business capacity and party de- 
votion. They also recognized his splendid man- 
agement of the 1898 canvass, when he served as 
chairman of the Republican State Committee, and 
within the last two weeks transfonned what 
seemed inevitable defeat into a substantial vic- 
tory for Roosevelt and the State and Legislative 
tickets. Bryan's nomination for President by the 
Democrats, and the selection of McKinley and 
Roosevelt by the Republicans, made New York as 
certain for us as anything could be. 

Though Odell was cut considerably by Inde- 
pendents, he pulled through with 111,000 plu- 
rality over John B. Stanchfield, his Democratic 
opponent. 

With Odell's inauguration, January 1, 1901, 1 be- 
came satisfied that we had a typical party Gov- 
ernor, and that we should get an unalloyed party 
administration. Age and business cares had in- 
duced me to surrender to Odell, in great measure, 
the management of the organization. 

I SURRENDER ACTIVE MANAGEMENT TO ODELL 



Friends warned me that I was committing a 
blunder, and that I was deliberately handing over 
power to a man who would use it against me. I 
answered that I could not and would not believe 
that there was any risk in delegating my au- 

422 



IVie Autohiograpln/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

thority to a man whom I had made State Com- 
mitteeman, chairman of the State Executive and 
the full State Committee, and named for Gov- 
ernor. I trusted Odell as I would trust one of 
my own sons, and thought he never would abuse 
that confidence. 

Just before Odell took the oath of office, we 
talked over the names of State officers to be ap- 
pointed. We agreed upon a majority of them. It 
was, however, stipulated that we should not select 
the Superintendent of Public Works, the most im- 
portant office within the Governor's hands, until 
we came together again. 

I was astonished, a day or two after Odell as- 
sumed office, to read in the newspapers an an- 
nouncement that he had appointed Charles 
Spencer Boyd Superintendent of Public Works. 
This did not accord with our understanding. I 
at first discredited the news. I soon ascertained, 
however, that it was true. 

I never had heard of Boyd. The Governor had 
never mentioned him to me. When I asked the 
Governor for an explanation, he replied that Boyd 
had been a chum of his at Columbia University; 
that he was a competent civil engineer, and that 
he had named him to make sure that the Depart- 
ment of Public Works would be run intelligently 
and on a business basis. 

The Governor further urged that he must as- 
sume the privilege of choosing at least one of his 
personal and trusted friends for a big office. I 

423 



The Autohiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

was not pleased, but I finally accepted the Boyd 
appointment without public complaint. 

Trouble-makers sought at this very time to 
create a breach between the Governor and myself. 
Intimate political associates admonished me that 
the Governor was ambitious to become the leader 
of the organization and was plotting to supplant 
me. I was loth to believe this. 

My friends reminded me, too, that though the 
Governor had agreed with me and Senator Raines 
and other Legislative leaders that he would recom- 
mend in his initial message the establishment of 
a State constabulary, and that the recommenda- 
tion was written out in my apartments; yet, when 
that message was promulgated, there was no sug- 
gestion about a State constabulary. 

odell's first insubordinate act 

On the contrary, the Governor urged the aboli- 
tion of the four-headed New York Police Board 
and the establislmient of a single-headed commis- 
sion. Though Senator Raines had introduced the 
State constabular}'- measure, concurred in by the 
Governor and myself soon after his election, the 
Governor disowned it and substituted one that 
put out of office the Van Wyck board, consisting 
of Bernard J. York and John B. Sexton, Demo- 
crats, and Jacob Hess and Henry E. Abell, Re- 
publicans. Hess and Odell had displaced Thomas 
L. Hamilton and William E. Phillips, Republicans, 

424 



The Autohiograplnj of Thomas Collier Piatt 

removed by Mayor Van Wyck, because they would 
not tolerate Deveryism. 

The bill also abolished the office of Chief of 
Police, then held by William S. Devery, Governor 
Odell forced this through the Legislature in Feb- 
ruary, 1901, and approved it on Washington's 
Birthday. Mayor Van Wyck quickly appointed 
Michael C. Murphy Commissioner of Police. 
Murphy as promptly made Devery his deputy. 
This was in absolute violation of a contract made 
by the Tammany organization leaders. They 
promised that if the provision in the original bill, 
prohibiting the appointment as Commissioner, or 
Deputy Commissioner, of any member of the uni- 
formed force, or any Commissioner, were stricken 
out, they would guarantee that Devery should not 
be retained in the department in any capacity. 
The provision was eliminated. Immediately upon 
the announcement of the selection of Devery as 
Murphy's deputy, I determined to renew my in- 
fluence for the immediate passage of the Eaines 
State constabulary measure. I wired Governor 
Odell and Speaker Nixon to meet me the day fol- 
lowing the appointment of Devery. They re- 
sponded. Nixon readily agreed to push the Raines 
bill through the Assembly. Governor Odell pro- 
tested that a trial must be made of the new law. 
I argued that the bestowal of additional honors 
upon Devery, especially after the vicious record 
be had made, was sufficient excuse of itself for 
the State to assume supreme control of the New 

425 



The .iutohioi^rapJifj of Tiiumas Collier Piatt 



York Police Department. I went so far as to 
advise that the Governor was justified in remov- 
ing not only Devery, but Commissioner Murphy 
and Mayor Van Wyck himself, for so flagrantly 
violating the spirit, if not the letter, of the law. 
Again the Governor pleaded: ''Wait! wait!" 
Within a week or two after Murphy and Devery 
took hold, the metropolitan newspapers demon- 
strated that crime was never so prevalent; that 
Dever>' was the real ruler of the department, and 
that Murphy was his mere puppet. The Governor, 
too, seemed to come around to this view. 

REPUDIATES PLEDGE FOR STATE POLICE 

March 20 we met again. We came to what I 
regarded as a thorough understanding as to the 
kind of police legislation he would approve. It 
provided for a restoration of the metropolitan sys- 
tem that prevailed in the early seventies, the State 
taking over the police forces of the cities as it 
had already taken over the Excise Department. 
The draft of the measure was prepared and ac- 
cepted by the Governor. My son, Frank, was dele- 
gated to perfect it. He did so, and at my request 
took it to Albany. When he submitted it to the 
Governor, he was astonished to hear him say that 
he had concluded to stand for no such measure. 
When my son reminded him of the agreement at 
the conference, he denied having given any pledge. 
The two parted after an animated colloquy. 

426 



The Autohiographij of Thomas Collie?' Piatt 

That night the Governor made a statement at 
Albany, dechiring that he never had promised to 
approve either a State constabulary or a metro- 
politan police act. I could not conceive that this 
was authentic. I called up the Governor on the 
'phone. He told me he had changed his mind. 
I asked him to come to New York, as soon as con- 
venient, and talk it over. He did so. I again 
failed to persuade him that it was the proper time 
to push the proposed legislation. So I went to 
work to create party and popular sentiment for 
it. That my views might be thoroughly under- 
stood, I reduced them to writing: 

WHY I ADVOCATED A STATE CONSTABULARY 

''The laws against gambling and disorderly re- 
sorts, sales of liquor under prohibited conditions, 
and other laws for the suppression of vice in the 
city of New York, are not enforced by that police. 
The police appear to be protecting the law-break- 
ers. Such protection can only be explained upon 
the theory that money is being paid therefor by 
the law-breakers. 

"The conditions have become so bad, that citi- 
zens have been forced to organize a committee to 
do work which ought to be done by the police. The 
committee is employing its own detectives. The 
necessity for such a committee, and the protection 
of vice and crime by the police, have been conclu- 
sively demonstrated to my mind by the successful 

427 



The Autohiographi/ of Tliomas Collier Piatt 

raids upon gambling houses and poolrooms, re- 
cently made by the District Attorney and the 
committee. 

"It is evident that such illegal resorts as gam- 
bling houses and poolrooms cannot exist unless 
their location and the facilities which they offer 
are generally known, and the claim made by high 
officials that they are unable to suppress illegal 
resorts, which are known to the driver of every 
cab, is obviously absurd. 

**The police legislation, enacted at the present 
session, was thought by some to be an adequate 
remedy for the evils then existing. The only effect 
of this legislation seems to have been to increase 
the malign efficiency of the police force as an 
agency for the encouragement of crime and the 
collection of money from criminals. 

**I do not understand that the Governor takes 
issue with me upon any of the facts above stated. 
I understand that he does not desire to propose 
additional police legislation for the city of New 
York, during the present session, because such 
new legislation would place him in a more or less 
antagonistic position to the views expressed by 
him in his first message to the Legislature, and 
because, if the citizens of New York do not like 
police blackmail, their best remedy is to be found, 
not by an appeal to the Legislature, but at the 
polls, 

'*The Governor considers these objections to 
additional police legislation, at this session of the 

428 



The Autobiog;rai)hij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Legislature, sound. I do not. This is the only dif- 
ference between us. In the near future there will 
probably be a conference of some of the leaders 
of the Republican party. I have confidence in the 
wisdom of these leaders. I have no interest in 
this matter, except to advise what seems to me 
for the public good. I have no pride of opinion 
with respect to the police question. I am ready 
to accept any conclusion which may be reached 
at such a conference, and I assume that the Gov- 
ernor will not be entirely uninfluenced by the view 
of the leaders of the party." 

ODELL REFUSES TO CONFER 

I called a conference of the party leaders. They 
responded from all quarters of the State. I in- 
vited Governor Odell to participate. He ignored 
my communication. After an all-day exchange of 
views, it was decided that we should not attempt 
to force upon the Governor legislation for which 
he would not stand, and that might provoke a 
quarrel that would imperil party success in the 
State contest of 1902 and national conflict of 1904. 

I thought then, and I still believe, that a State 
police would have remedied much of the evils 
from which many of the cities have suffered. I 
thought then, and I still think, that one of the 
greatest mistakes Governor Odell ever made was 
to oppose State supervision of the police. I have 
noticed that the effort I made years ago to have 

429 



The Autuhioi^raphi/ of TJiomas C oilier Piatt 

legislation enacted providing for this is being 
again agitated. I hope that ultimately it will pre- 
vail. The remarkable achievements of the State 
Excise Department, in raising revenue and enforc- 
ing the law, so far as its limited number of inspec- 
tors is concerned, proves that State supervision is 
correct in practice as well as in theory. I doubt 
very much if the police problem will ever be solved 
until the State takes hold and solves it by making 
the various departments subsidiary to the govern- 
ment at Albany. 

ERECTION OF A MACHINE TO CRUCIFY ME 

Evidence continued to multiply that Odell was 
building up a machine of his own. But I *'sat 
tight" and kept almost daily denying that there 
was any friction between us, merely to prevent 
party division. Well into the second year of his 
term it was apparent to everybody that the Gov- 
ernor had deliberately planned to assume the party 
leadership. He consulted with me now and then, 
but went back to Albany and did things that were 
not according to my views. He distributed patron- 
age among his allies and ignored the requests of 
my friends. I still kept silent, being unwilling to 
lend myself to any movement that might cause 
such disasters as we suffered in 1882, 1884 and 
1891. 

During the fall of 1902, a revolt against the re- 
nomination of Odell was fomented by members of 

430 



TJie Autohiop'aphif of Thomas Collier Piatt 

my ''Old GuaRl." I quelled it. I did advise the 
Governor that lie would commit a mistake in run- 
ning again, considering the temper of the party. 
True, he had proved a most excellent executive 
and had to his credit the abolition of the direct 
tax and other laws which proved popular with 
the people. Indeed, some independent newspapers 
proclaimed him the best Governor the State ever 
had. I noticed, however, that the newspapers that 
had always grilled me were most fulsome in their 
praise of the Governor. 

Long before the State convention, which had 
been called for September 23, 1902, at Saratoga, 
the renomination of Odell was a foregone conclu- 
sion. The question that confronted us then was 
who should be the candidate for Lieutenant- 
Governor. Timothy L. Woodruff, who had served 
under Black, Roosevelt and Odell, announced his 
reluctance to run a fourth time. Six months prior 
to the convention. President Roosevelt had sug- 
gested to me that George R. Sheldon, banker, 
Union League Club member and a Republican of 
the highest character, would be an admirable suc- 
cessor to Woodruff. Odell and I talked it over, 
and we agreed that the President's choice was a 
capital one. A few days before the convention, 
Odell, Woodruff, Black and a number of the other 
leaders met at Sheldon's New York home. A for- 
mal compact was made to support Sheldon for 
Lieutenant-Governor. We all offered our con- 
gratulations to Sheldon. Inasmuch as the remain- 

431 



The ^'lutobiograpli/j of Tliomas Collier Flatt 

der of tlie incuinbent Republican State officers 
were to be renominated, I looked for merely a 
ratification meeting at Saratoga, I little dreamed 
that we were in for a sensational struggle that all 
but lost us the State. 

SHELDON ASSAILED 

I started for the convention city on Sunday, 
September 20. Aboard the train I read an in- 
terview with William Berri, proprietor of the 
Brooklyn Standard Union, and the bosom friend 
of Woodruff, savagely attacking Sheldon. Berri 
accused Sheldon of identification with the whisky, 
shipbuilding and other trusts, and proclaimed that 
it would be a calamity to nominate such a man for 
Lieutenant-Governor. 

I was more than provoked. On reaching Sara- 
toga, I sent for WoodrutT and Berri and insisted 
upon their explaining why they assailed Sheldon, 
particularly after Woodruff had espoused Shel- 
don's cause. 

Woodruff disclaimed responsibility for the on- 
slaught upon Sheldon. Berri affirmed the inter- 
view, and insisted that the party would court de- 
feat should a man with Sheldon's corporation rec- 
ord be placed on the ticket. I frankly told Mr. 
Berri that I disagreed with him. Then I turned 
to Woodruff and said: "You and I pledged our 
support to Sheldon at the New York conference. 
Whatever you do, I shall stand by that pledge." 

432 



The AutohiograpJin of Tliomas Collier Piatt 

Woodruff, who I suspected might have been 
secretly urged by Berri to become a candidate, 
again protested that he was for Sheldon and would 
stick by him to the finish. I sent for Sheldon. I 
asked him what truth there was in Berri 's state- 
ment. 

'Must this," replied Sheldon. "I was instru- 
mental, some time ago, in reorganizing the Stand- 
ard Distributing Company, an alcohol concern. I 
finished the job in four months. I had no knowl- 
edge then, nor have I now, that the concern was or 
is a part of the so-called whisky trust. Anyway, 
I have been out of it for a long time." 

' '■ That is sufficient, George. I shall stand by you 
if no other delegate to this convention does. I 
never failed yet to fulfil a pledge," I answered. 

Sheldon was so exasperated that he sought out 
Woodruff, charged him with having inspired false- 
hood, and denounced him for pretending to be 
loyal to him (Sheldon) while playing for a re- 
nomination. This WoodrulT denied, and reaffirmed 
his promise to support Sheldon. 

Throughout the day and night I was employed 
in rounding up delegates who had read the Berri 
statement, and who expressed fears that it had 
been instigated by Woodruff. By midnight, how- 
ever, things had quieted down, and I retired con- 
vinced that the flurry was over and that Sheldon 
would be nominated. 

A part of my time the following day was de- 
voted to consultation about the platform. Lou. 

433 



t- 



The ylutobiographi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

F. Pavn, "vrho had been removed bv Governor 
Roosevelt as Superintendent of Insurance, led a 
movement formed to defeat any pledge of support 
to Roosevelt for a renoniination to the Presidency 
in 1904. We mollified Payn and his followers with 
a plank reading thus: 

**We look to the renomination of President 
Roosevelt in 1904, and pledge ourselves, so far 
as it lies within our power, to do what we can 
to secure that renomination." 

Payn swallowed this more agreeably than he 
would an original plank, instructing the New York 
delegation to support Roosevelt through thick and 
thin. 

ODELL ESPOUSES THE ANTI-SHELDOX CAUSE 

With Monday night came the main body of the 
Odell men. The Governor's father, his brothers, 
Postmaster Hiram B. Odell, of Xewburgh, and 
Prof. C. B. Odell, of Columbia University; Rail- 
road Commissioner Joseph E. Dickey; Congress- 
men Lucius N. Littauer and George F. Smith; 
Senators Nathaniel A. Elsberg and Elon R. 
Brown, and others, worked like nailers to shelve 
Sheldon, and insisted that either Senator Frank 
W. Higgins, of Cattaraugus, or Horace White, 
of Onondaga, be named for Lieutenant- Governor. 
The answer they got was in the shape of pledges 
to Sheldon at caucuses of the New York and 



« o 



.14 



The Auiohiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

enough other delegations to make his nomination 
certain. 

The Governor's relatives and friends then 
rushed to the telephones and besought the Gov- 
ernor at Albany (who had assured me he would 
not attend the convention because he believed it 
would appear indelicate) to come to Saratoga and 
''save himself." 

There was no one to be saved, and no one was 
in danger. But the Governor's immediate friends 
so worked upon his fears that he boarded a special 
train and dashed into Saratoga, late on Tuesday- 
afternoon. A delegation of his admirers met him 
at the station and endeavored to persuade him ta 
ignore me, take the bit in his teeth, throw Sheldon, 
overboard and name his own ticket. 

Sheldon's retirement demanded 

The Governor replied: ''Wait until I see 
Senator Piatt." 

I was in consultation at my United States Hotel 
cottage with Senator Depew, former Governor 
Black, Chairman Morris, of the New York Repub- 
lican Committee, Colonel George W. Dunn, Ed- 
ward Lauterbach and other leaders, when Gov- 
ernor Odell burst in upon us. I affected surprise, 
and said: 

"Why, Governor, your presence here astonishes 
me. You said you would not attend the conven- 
tion. Prav, what brings you here?" 

435 



TJic .lutobiograpJiij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

The Governor flushed a bit and replied: "I 
came because I have been overwhelmed with mes- 
sages protesting against the nomination of Shel- 
don for Lieutenant-Governor. If it is true that he 
is identified with the whisky trust, he ought not to 
go on the ticket." 

"Your apprehensions are groundless. These 
stories have been invented by Kings County men 
who want "Woodruflf renominated. We have dis- 
counted them, and Sheldon will be nominated," 
was my response. 

*'But these protests came, not alone from Kings 
County, but from all over the State. No candi- 
date connected with a trust can be elected," urged 
Odell. 

""VVhy, Roosevelt and yourself picked Sheldon 
six months ago. Sheldon is your friend," was my 
retort. 

''Yes, Sheldon is my friend, but I knew noth- 
ing of his candidacv until I read an interview with 
you, declaring that he would make a good man 
for my running mate." 

"You agreed with us in New York that he would 
do, did you not?" I asked. 

"I did not know all I know now. I guess I'll 
go and see my friends upstairs," replied Odell, as 
he started for the door. 

"What friends! Are you not with friends 
here!" I queried. 

"Yes, but my father, brothers and friends from 
my home county delegation are upstairs, and I 

436 



Tlie Autobioii^raplii/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

would like to talk with them," responded Odell 
as he went out. 

''You are foolish, Ben, to %ht Sheldon," put 
in former Governor Black. "You will be elected, 
anyway," he added. 

ODELL THREATENS WITHDRAWAL 

''I don't propose to risk it. I will withdraw 
myself before I run on the ticket with Sheldon. 
I will take Higgins, White or even Woodruff," 
roared Odell. 

''But Woodruff cannot be nominated. He is 
acting under the advice of foolish friends. The 
people will not tolerate the confiscation of an office 
by a man who has had it three times. Now, keep 
your agreement with Sheldon, as I shall, Ben," I 
added affectionately. 

"I shall make Sheldon withdraw," was Odell's 
obstinate reply. 

"I shall refuse to be a party to that," I re- 
sponded. 

Odell hurried to rejoin his friends at the Orange 
County headquarters. 

After several hours' consultation with them, he 
returned to me. He reiterated his determination 
not to run if Sheldon were to be his companion 
on the ticket, and formally demanded that I with- 
draw my support. I again declined. 

Sheldon was sent for. As he met Odell, he ex- 
claimed, in tones of mingled grief and indignation : 

437 



The Autobiographi/ of TJiomas Collier Piatt 

**I never would have been a candidate except for 
requests made by you and the President. I never 
sought this nomination. But now that I am in the 
fight, I purpose to stick." 

Then turning to me, Sheldon asked: "Do you 
request me to withdraw, Senator?" 

"I do not," I replied. "I pledged you my sup- 
port, and you will have it just so long as you are 
a candidate, George," I added. 

"The popular belief is that you are in the 
whisky trust," suggested Governor Black. 

"That is not true," answered Sheldon. Then 
addressing Governor Odell, he continued: "If it 
will add one vote to your majority, I will gladly 
comply with your request to withdraw." 

Until nearly two o'clock in the morning the ar- 
gument went on. Finally Sheldon went over to a 
desk, wrote out a fonnal declination and handed it 
to me. 

I said: "George, I did not ask this. You 
have done this without my advice or request. I 
am still for you, and will see you through. You 
did this of your own free willf" 

"I certainly did," answered Sheldon tearfully. 
Then seizing me by both hands, Sheldon ex- 
claimed: "And God bless you for your faithful- 
ness to me!" 

Before we went to bed that morning, we all 
agreed upon Frank W. Higgins for Lieutenant- 
Governor. 

The next morning Woodruff called upon me 

438 



Tlw Autobiographi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

and suggested that Norman S. Dike, of Kings, be 
named for Secretary of State. 

MY REBUKE TO WOODRUFF 

I -was very much provoked at Woodruff, chiefly 
because he permitted his friends to boom him for 
a place against Sheldon, and also because he re- 
fused to frankly say that he would not permit his 
name to go before the convention. When he asked 
me to see that Dike was named, I guess I lost my 
temper, for I replied : ' ' Not by a damned sight ! 
I am amazed that you should ask this after what 
happened last night. John F. O'Brien will be 
nominated for Secretary of State. And I shall 
expect you and your Kings County delegates to 
support him." 

O'Brien was nominated and Woodruff and his 
Kings men did support him. 

Denial of the nomination to Sheldon, a general 
suspicion that Odell had sought to set up shop 
for himself, his refusal to approve a plan for or- 
ganization of the New York Police Department on 
State lines, combined with the casting of tens of 
thousands of illegal ballots in the metropolis, cut 
down our splendid plurality of the two years be- 
fore to a little more than 8,000. 

Certain of Odell's intimate associates accused 
friends of mine of contributing to the opposing 
vote. That charge was absolutely unwarranted. 
Personallv, I exerted myself as I rarely had to 

439 



The AutohiograpJiij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

make sure of the reelection of Governor Odell, and 
my friends were as faithful to him as men could 
be to one of their own. 

Odell himself, misled by stories carried to him 
by supposed confidants, apparently believed that 
some of my friends, particularly in the Greater 
New York, where Bird S. Coler, the Democratic 
candidate for Governor, secured the unprecedented 
plurality of 122,000, had been recreant. Under 
this misguided notion, he ousted leaders who had 
served us both acceptably, and installed in their 
places allies whom he preferred. Thus was Will- 
iam Halpin made chairman of the Republican 
County Committee in place of ^l. Linn Bruce, who 
was as loyal an official as ever held a place. 

I had a different theory from that of Odell as to 
why he had received so comparatively meager a 
vote in the Greater New York. I maintained that 
the Tammany police winked at election frauds, 
and that Odell was the victim of many thousands 
of crooked votes. I so told Odell. While he was 
inclined to agree with me in a measure, he insisted 
upon continuing his reorganization of the New 
York County Committee. 

PLOT TO DEFEAT MY RETURN TO THE SENATE 

During December, 1902, there developed a 
secretly conducted campaign to prevent my return 
to the United States Senate. Some of Odell's 
friends were behind it. A number of them, nota- 

440 



The Autohio^raphy of Thomas Collier Piatt 

bly Senators Edgar T. Bracket!, Elon R. Brown 
and Nathaniel A. Elsberg, urged the Governor to 
clinch his hold on the leadership by putting me out 
of the Senate, taking the seat himself and placing 
Lieutenant-Governor Higgins iu charge of the 
State government. 

Odell persistently denied to me that he at any 
time had designs upon my Senatorial chair, or 
that he ever encouraged the idea that I should not 
be reelected. 

I had no desire to go back to Washington. But 
when I was informed that the same cliques that 
had tried to stop my election in 1897 were attempt- 
ing to combine on any one but myself, I concluded 
to permit my name again to go before the Re- 
publican Legislative caucus in January, 1903. 

Had there been any organized Odell or other 
formidable plan to defeat me, it did not demon- 
strate its strength at the caucus. Brackett, 
Brown and Elsberg did exert themselves to beat 
me with Elihu Root, then Secretary of AVar. Their 
effort proved abortive. None of these Senators 
participated in the caucus. I was unanimously re- 
nominated, and finally received the vote of every 
Republican legislator in the joint Legislative ses- 
sion, against John B. Stanchfield, the Democratic 
candidate. 

I took comparatively little interest in the 
Mayoralty campaign of 1903. I was more con- 
cerned about the State and nation than the city. 
My friends acquiesced in the renomination of 

441 



TJic ^iut()hi(jif:rap}i}i of Thuma.s Cullicr Piatt 

Mayor Low, but I had no confidence that ke could 
be reelected. He had proved himself a mugwump, 
and many Republicans declared their preference 
for an out-and-out Tammany Mayor to one of the 
mugwump gender. I believed, from the moment 
Colonel George B. McClellan was nominated by 
the Democrats he would win. And he did by a 
large plurality. 

I had devoted myself to making sure of a Re- 
publican majority in the Assembly, and my efforts 
were crowned with success. 



A BUGLE CALL TO THE ''OLD GUARD" 

During the campaign, but more particularly 
after election, reports came to me that my oppo- 
nents planned a complete reorganization of the 
Legislature, and the dethronement of President 
pro tern, of the Senate Eaines and Speaker Nixon. 
I resolved to put my foot down hard. On Christ- 
mas eve I sent out a letter to members of the 
"Old Guard," which read like this: 

Please drop in to see me, either at No. 49 Broad- 
way or the Fifth Avenue Hotel, any day or night 
before January 4th. 

T. C. Platt. 

This was accepted as a bugle call for the re- 
sumption of the "Sunday-schools." And my 
battle-scarred allies responded with fervor. I is- 

442 



The Autobiographji of Thomas Collier Piatt 

sued a most pressing request to Governor Odell to 
join us. He ignored it. Until after New Year's 
day I was constantly in consultation with leaders 
from every section of tlie State. Over one hundred 
of them were in my company. I frankly informed 
them that, first, I favored the nomination of Theo- 
dore Roosevelt for the Presidency. They, with 
few exceptions, lined up behind me on that propo- 
sition. Then I sounded them as to the availa- 
bility of Timothy L. Woodruff to succeed Gov- 
ernor Odell. There was division over this, but I 
avowed myself as favorable to Woodruff's nomi- 
nation and was assured that I would have all the 
help I needed to place him at the head of the State 
ticket of 1904. 

Later it was agreed that Speaker Nixon should 
be reelected Speaker of the Assembly; Colonel 
Archie E. Baxter, clerk ; and that John Raines and 
not George R. Malby should lead the Republican 
forces on the Senate floor. 

Odell had been reported to be arranging to put 
out Nixon with Edwin A. Merritt, Jr., or some 
other friend, and supplant Raines with Malb5\ 
Among those who pledged themselves to reinforce 
me in the program I have just outlined were Lieu- 
tenant-Governor Higgins, Senator Depew, Timo- 
thy L. Woodruff, Senator Raines, Speaker Nixon, 
Sereno E. Payne, Republican leader of the House 
of Representatives; General James S. Clarkson, 
Collector of the Port N. N. Stranahan ; Postmaster 
Cornelius Van Cott, of New York; Postmaster 

443 



I'^he ylutobio^rajjh// of TJioina.s ('nJljc?' Plait 

George R. Roberts, of Brooklyn; Superintendent 
of Banks Frederick D. Kilburn ; Frank ►S. Wither- 
bee, Charles S. Francis, Colonel John T. Mott. 
Senators Wilcox, Allds, McKinney and Krum; 
Assemblymen Rogers, Cocks, and, indeed, a ma- 
jority of members of both branches of the Legis- 
lature; Michael J. Dady, Fred Greiner, Robert H. 
Hunter, M. Linn Bruce, James S. Whipple, W. C. 
Warren, Colonel George W. Dunn. George R. 
Sheldon, Lou F. Pajn, Archie D. Sanders, and 
others who had been associated with me in the 
conduct of organization affairs. 

Almost from the moment that the news of the 
conference became circulated the plot to deprive 
my friends of control of the Legislature ceased. 
Raines, Xixon and Baxter all retained their oflfices. 
and Governor Odell and his followers offered no 
opposition to the adoption of the Legislature com- 
pact concurred in at the New York conference. 

ODELL SUPPLANTS DUNN 

Had any one been skeptical as to whether Odell 
still purposed, if he could, to assume the State 
boss-ship, all doubt must have been dissipated 
when, during January of 1904, he secretly con- 
ducted a canvass of the State Committee as to how 
they felt about putting Colonel George W. Dunn 
out and himself in as chairman. I had made Odell 
chairman originally. He had resigned when 
elected Governor, in favor of a man who had in- 

444 



The Aviohioiiraphu of Thomas Collier Piatt 

troduced him to nie, when he was begging for a 
place on the State Committee— a man who had 
been my devoted lieutenant for forty years. 
Dunn's sole offense was that he had been faithful 
to me, when I had differed with the Governor on 
questions of party and organization policy. 

Colonel Dunn, who was chairman of the State 
Railroad Commission, heard one day that his place 
was wanted. He boldly entered the Executive 
Chamber and said: ''Governor, I hear you are 
after the State Committee chairmanship." 

Odell nervously answered: ''Oh, that's all 
newspaper talk." 

"Well, you are welcome to the job any time 
you wish to take it," persisted Dunn. 

"Don't want it. I have enough troubles here." 
was Governor Odell's reply. 

But rumors that the Governor contemplated a 
clean sweep of my friends in office and in places 
of authority in the organization continued to be 
prevalent. They included a plan for the removal 
of Frank M. Baker, and the installation of a suc- 
cessor who would insure to the Governor control 
of the Railroad Commission. I was fortunate in 
saving Baker, but very soon after he had been 
retained it developed that Odell was still deter- 
mined to oust State Chairman Dunn. I apprised 
Odell of what I had learned, and admonished him 
that he as Governor would commit a stupendous 
blunder if he seized and performed the duties of 
the chairmanship, and thus appropriated the sole 

445 



The ylutobioffraphi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

management of the party. Odell newspapers 
and admirers were most pronounced in their con- 
demnation of his contemplated act. And when, 
despite remonstrances, he made known his inten- 
tion to supplant Dunn, I prophesied that it was 
the beginning of his political downfall, and so it 
proved. 

I AM AGAIN PROCLAIMED LEADER 

It was at the Fifth Avenue conference, Sunday, 
March 20, 1904, that Odell formally made the de- 
mand for Colonel Dunn's head. Dunn, wearied 
with heckling and bickerings, despite my protests, 
declined to be a candidate for reelection to the 
chairmanship. It was finally agreed that my 
friends should offer no opposition to Odell taking 
Dunn's seat, if Odell publicly acknowledged me as 
State leader. This pledge was reduced to writing. 
Here it is: 

At a conference, held this afternoon, between 
Senator Piatt, Governor Odell, Colonel Dunn and 
many other jDrominent Eepublicans, it was, after a 
full exchange of ^dews, and after statements by 
both the Senator and the Governor, unanimously 
agreed that Senator Piatt should remain, as he 
has been in the past, the active leader of the party. 

It was further agreed that the Governor should 
be elected as the chairman of the State Committee 
to be chosen at the approaching State convention 
in April. 

446 



I 

The Autohiographfi of Tho?na.9 Collier Piatt 



It was further agreed that wherever there were 
local contests for leaderships, there should be no 
interference in favor of or against any one, either 
by Piatt or Odell. 

New York, March 20, 1904. 

This compact was the result of all-day consul- 
tations, one of the features of which was the cere- 
monial offer of the State chairmanship to Odell 
by a committee headed by Senator Depew. 

DEPEW's APPEAL FOR HARMONY 

Depew thus addressed the Governor: '*We 
have come to you in no spirit of anger or of excite- 
ment. "We are on the eve of a great political year. 
If common report be anything, there is serious 
trouble between you and the aged Senator Piatt. 
If there is a breach, we appeal to you, as loyal 
Republicans, to assist us in healing it. 

*'If there are differences, we come to you with 
the hope that we may reconcile them. We know 
your strength. "We acknowledge that, if you wish, 
you have the power of relegating Senator Piatt 
to a position of subser\dency rather than the dis- 
tinguished leader he has been for so long, and to 
whom the party is under so many obligations for 
the masterful manner in which he has conducted 
campaigns, won elections and strengthened the 
party in places where, before his leadership, it 
was weak. 

447 




CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW EUHU ROOT 

FRANK S. BLACK 



448 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

**We come to you to say we will be perfectly 
willing for you to become the chairman of the 
State Committee. Colonel Dunn, the chairman, 
honestly wishes to retire. He sounded his friends 
to-day, and he has said repeatedly he would not 
stand for reelection. 

''Therefore, in order that there may be har- 
mony, we ask you to publicly acknowledge the 
State leadership of Senator Piatt, and in turn he 
will ask his friends to make your election to suc- 
ceed Colonel Dunn unanimous. It is with you to 
say how far these bickerings and quarrels may go 
on, before they lead to defeat. You may be suc- 
cessful in the State convention, but have you reck- 
oned with the polls in November, and when the 
counting is done after?" 

Governor Odell answered: *'I have felt to- 
day, while a Republican caucus was going on at 
this hotel, and I not in it, like a cat in a strange 
garret. I assure you and your honorable com- 
mittee that I have never disputed the leadership 
of Senator Piatt. I am willing to make any con- 
cession that lies within my power to make, to as- 
sure him of my loyalty to him, to acknowledge him 
as the head of the Republican party in New York 
State, and to bow to his wishes in affairs where 
our affairs are at issue. I accept your tender of 
the chairmanship of the committee, and am ready 
to serve you in any manner you may designate." 



449 



The Autobiograijhij uf Thomas Collier Piatt 



MY GRAVE UNDUG 

There appeared in one of the New York papers 
the following morning this comment: "The his- 
torian of the future, who write? the story of this 
wonderful man's wonderful political life, will be 
compelled to say that on the 20th of ^March, 1904, 
Sunday, at an hour when thousands were at 
religious worship, Senator Piatt was in his room 
undigging the grave that Odell had made for him, 
and at a later hour sent for the grave-diggers, and 
showed them the spot, all covered over and patted 
down, the grass put back and the head and foot 
stones removed entirely from sight. The historian 
will, too, perhaps, be constrained to add: 'For 
the thirteenth time, strange to say, the Senator 
emerged from political burial stronger than ever 
before.' " 

In the words of my brethren, I can only say 
**Amen" to this. Odell was unanimously elected 
State chairman at the convention which met in 
Carnegie Hall, April 12. I was unanimously 
chosen to head the delegation to the National Con- 
vention, called to meet at Chicago, in June. Sena- 
tor Depew, Governor Odell and Frank S. Black 
were other members of the "Big Four." 

The only contest of importance at the State Con- 
vention was about iron-clad pledges to support 
Roosevelt for the Presidential nomination. I in- 
sisted upon this resolution : 

450 



Tlie Aniohi()ii;raphii of Thomas Collier Piatt 

We "instruct" the representatives of New York 
State, in the national council of the party, to pre- 
sent the candidacy of Theodore Eoosevelt for 
President of the U. S. and use all honorable means 
to bring about his nomination. 

Odell contended that the word "request" should 
be substituted for ' ' instruct. ' ' We ultimately com- 
promised on "direct," and both were satisfied. 

The platform praised me thus: "The Republi- 
can party acknowledges with gratitude the splen- 
did services of the senior Senator, Thomas C. 
Piatt, who for more than quarter of a century has 
stood stalwart and firm in the battle for Republi- 
can supremacy, and whose leadership has been in- 
spiring and potent in the accomplishment of Re- 
publican success." 

ROOSEVELT AND FAIRBANKS NOMINATED 

The nomination of President Roosevelt had be- 
come inevitable long before we went to Chicago, 
where the National Convention was to meet June 
21. The question of paramount consequence 
was who should be the candidate for Vice-Presi- 
dent. I had, a month in advance of the convention, 
publicly declared myself for my Senatorial col- 
league, Charles W. Fairbanks, of Indiana. He 
was, in my judgment, the best type of the Western 
Republican we could select. He had the party of 
his home State — a veiy doubtful one in many cam- 

451 



The ^iutohiography of Thomas Collie?' Piatt 

paigns — solidly behind him. Indeed, at the time 
I question if there was a more popular Republican 
in the Middle West than Fairbanks. 

Eastern men seemed to have gotten a false im- 
pression of Fairbanks, His opponents sought to 
create an impression that ho was as frigid a propo- 
sition as John Sherman. But he wasn't. No more 
affable a gentleman ever occupied a post of honor 
in this or any other government. He was big- 
hearted, had a head chock full of gray matter, and 
made friends and few enemies wherever he went. 

Governor Odell, soon after I professed Fair- 
banks my preference for Vice-President, an- 
nounced himself for Speaker Joseph G. Cannon, 
of Illinois. He endeavored to pledge the New 
York delegation to "Uncle Joe." En route to Chi- 
cago, Odell induced Senator Depew to espouse the 
cause of Cannon. Fairbanks greatly embarrassed 
us bj' declining at first to let us present his name. 
June 19, however, he confided to me, during a pro- 
longed conference, that he was ''in the hands of 
his friends." 

ODELL 'S CANNON BOOM SQUELCHED 

The New York caucus met that night. By that 
time, Speaker Cannon had either become satisfied 
that Fairbanks was certain to be nominated, or 
that he himself did not desire to run. Anyway, the 
Speaker announced that he would not allow his 
name to go before the convention. This left noth- 

452 



TJie Autohiograj)/ii/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

ing for Odell, Depew and other supporters of the 
Speaker to do bnt climb on the Fairbanks wagon. 
They did this, and the New York delegation, 
unanimously electing me its chairman, authorized 
me to cast its entire vote for the Iloosier states- 
man. It also deputized me to hand in its united 
vote on all questions before the convention. That 
ended friction for a while, though there was a 
contest on for National Committeeman. George R. 
Sheldon, who had been so ruthlessly handled as a 
candidate for Lieutenant-Governor in 1902, re- 
fused to be a candidate to succeed himself as Na- 
tional Committeeman. I had no candidate. The 
fight was then between William L. Ward, of West- 
chester, and William C. Warren, of Erie. Ward 
finally won. New York was honored through the 
selection of Elihu Root for temporary chairman 
of the convention. He delivered a speech that was 
pronounced the ablest of the very able ones that 
ever fell from his lips. It was hardly surpassed 
by that of former Governor Black, who placed 
President Roosevelt in nomination for a second 
term. A hurricane of cheers, consuming twenty 
minutes — a record-breaker then — followed Black's 
presentation of Roosevelt's name. The nomina- 
tion was made by acclamation, amidst the wildest 
scenes of enthusiasm. 



453 



Tlte Autobiograplti/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 



dolliver's tribute to me 

Senator John P. Dolliver presented the name of 
Senator Fairbanks for Roosevelt's running mate. 
His address was most eloquent. In the midst of it 
he turned toward me, and touched me deeply by 
exclaiming: ''Before I proceed, I wish to pay my 
tribute to Thomas C, Piatt, that veteran, sagacious 
and peerless leader from the State of New York, 
for his loyalty to the principles and nominees of 
the Republican party." 

This pleased not only me, but members of my 
''Old Guard," mightih\ Fassett, Dunn, Woodruff, 
Higgins, Raines, Payn and others leaped upon 
chairs and cheered lustily. New York delegates 
grasped banners and paraded about the hall. In 
this demonstration they were joined bj^ Pennsyl- 
vania and other delegates. It was a totally unex- 
pected but delightful compliment, which I sin- 
cerely appreciated. 

Fairbanks was ultimately nominated with quite 
as much unanimity as was Roosevelt. A strong 
platform, the joint production of the President and 
Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts, 
was adopted. Then we returned to our homes, 
happy and sure of victory for the national 
nominees. 

I OFFER THE GOVERNORSHIP TO ROOT 

To remove the slightest doubt about holding the 
electoral vote of New York for Roosevelt and 

454 



The Autohiairraphij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Fairbanks, I urged Elilm Hoot to take the nomina- 
tion for Governor. I was intensely disappointed 
when he declined. Then I pledged myself to Timo- 
thy L. Woodruff. Since the 1902 convention, we 
had resumed our former cordial relations. I 
really believed that Woodruff would prove a splen- 
did Governor, and that Erastus C. Knight, of 
Erie, who had made an admirable record as Comp- 
troller, should be our candidate for Lieutenant- 
Governor. 

I had selected Woodruff and Knight, after a 
most unequivocal pledge from Governor Odell that 
he had no candidate for Governor or Lieutenant- 
Governor, and that he did not purpose to take an 
active part in making up the State ticket. 

The State convention was called for Sara- 
toga, September 14. I went there a few days 
ahead, as had been my custom. Odell was there, 
and had assumed command of his auxiliaries. I 
reiterated to the Governor my previously ex- 
pressed desire for the nomination of both Wood- 
ruff and Knight. 

ODELL 'S DUPLICITY 

Odell looked perplexed. Then he replied: '*I 
am against Woodruff because he cannot be trusted. 
I still have no candidate. But I suggest that 
Lieutenant-Governor Higgins has stood long with- 
out hitching." 

"I am for Woodruff and shall expect you to ful- 

455 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

fil your pledge to keep your hands off," was my 
answer. 

While Odell kept protesting that he had no can- 
didate, his friends were getting behind Higgins for 
Governor, and booming Francis Hendricks, Louis 
Stern, George Cromwell, M. Linn Bruce, and about 
everybody else except Knight for Lieutenant- 
Governor. 

The situation became acute. In the midst of 
the contest, Senator Fairbanks, who had just 
visited President Roosevelt, appeared at Sara- 
toga. Some were of the impression that he came 
to act as a mediator. That was a mistake. I had 
invited him to address the convention. And he 
did. He very properly declined to give advice as 
to the nomination of a ticket, explaining that he 
would not presume to insult New York Republi- 
cans by even hinting whom they should choose for 
State candidates. 

The day before the convention met, Governor 
Odell called upon me and said: ''I have called a 
conference for four o'clock this afternoon, at 
which we shall discuss the make-up of the ticket. 
I suppose 5^ou will attend?" 

"Not by a damned sight!" I replied. "You 
gave me your word that you had no candidate for 
Governor. Despite this, you have been pledging 
delegates you control to Higgins. Under such cir- 
cumstances, I most emphatically decline to attend 
any conference called for the purpose you 
indicate." 

456 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

The Governor pleaded with me to change my 
mind. I told him again, in as forcible language as 
I could command, that T would not. Governor 
Odell and his State officers, his State Committee- 
men, and others whom he dominated, held a con- 
ference. It decided to name Higgins for Gov- 
ernor, and Bruce for Lieutenant-Governor, after 
Hendricks had declined to stand for second place. 



HIGGINS BEGS MY SUPPORT 

Higgins visited me and besought my indorse- 
ment. He said: ''My friends have asked me to 
stand for Governor. I have concluded to do so. 
I expect to be nominated and elected. But I want 
a unanimous nomination. To get it, I need your 
support. Can I have it?" 

With all the vigor I could summon I answered: 
"No, sir. I am for "Woodruff. I have pledged my- 
self to him, and shall stick to him to the finish." 

**I am very sorry. Senator, but I very much 
desire your support," urged Higgins. 

''Well, you cannot get it so long as Woodruff 
is a candidate," I replied. 

"Then I shall have to go into the convention and 
fight it out with Woodruff," responded Higgins. 

"That is just what you will have to do," was my 
reply. 

Governor Odell came in later and persisted that 
I join his conference. I again refused, saying: 
"I am told that you and your friends have lined 

457 



The Autobiography of Thomas ('oUicr Piatt 

up for Higgins and intend to force his nomination 
to-morrow." 

"I have no candidate. My choice is the choice 
of the convention," answered the Governor 
evasively. 

"You are seeking to control this convention and 
the nominations, though you promised me to keep 
your hands off." 

"I have done my best to get an agreement. I 
am willing to argue or compromise, but I will not 
be driven," defiantly replied Odell. 

''No one is trying to drive you. I have merely 
asked you to fulfil your promise to keep your 
hands off and let the convention name its own can- 
didates," I rejoined. 

Governor Odell retired. Late that night he offi- 
cially and voluntarily confirmed my statements by 
publicly proclaiming himself for Higgins. 

HOW ODELL ''kept HANDS OFF** 

He said: "I have decided to announce myself 
in favor of Pliggins for Governor. I have kept my 
agreement until now, not to use my influence for 
the advancement of the interests of my can- 
didate." 

My answer was: "I shall employ all the influ- 
ence I possess to nominate Woodruff for Gov- 
ernor. The Governor has just notified me that he 
would do all in his power to nominate Higgins. 
This is the way he has kept his hands off." 

458 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

I stuck to AVoorlrnfF until he arose in the con- 
vention and withdrew. Had he not surrendered, 
he might have been nominated. 

HIGGINS AND BRUCE WIN 

Higgins and Bruce were nominated for Gov- 
ernor and Lieutenant-Governor respectively. Otto 
Kelsey was named for Comptroller; Julius M. 
Mayer for Attorney-General; John D. Wallen- 
maier for State Treasurer; John F. O'Brien for 
Secretary of State; Henry Van Alstyne for Engi- 
neer and Surveyor; Edgar M. Cullen, Democrat, 
and William E. Werner, Republican, for Justices 
of the Court of Appeals. 

Higgins, fine man that he was, could not possi- 
bly have been elected, except for the tremendous 
plurality Roosevelt scored over Parker, the Demo- 
cratic nominee for President. That Roosevelt 
actually carried Higgins and his mates through, 
the returns showed. 

Roosevelt carried the State by 175,552. Hig- 
gins ran nearly 100,000 behind him, defeating 
Herrick bv 80,560. Had it not been a Presidential 
year, Higgins would have been snowed under. I 
have always believed that Woodruff and Knight 
would have done far better than Higgins and 
Bruce as State ticket leaders. 



459 



TJic .iutobiograplt/j of Thomas Collier Plait 



DEPEW REELECTED TO THE U. S. SENATE 

Immediately after the election of 190-4, Gov- 
ernor Odell was said to have selected Frank S. 
Black as his candidate to succeed Chauncey M. 
Depew in the U. S. Senate. Depew was very anx- 
ious for reelection. And I was quite as solicitous 
that he should continue my colleague. I had be- 
gun a campaign to insure this, with the nomina- 
tion of members of the Legislature. And when 
election figures showed a large Eepublican ma- 
jority, in both Senate and Assembly, I assured 
Depew he need have no apprehension about going 
back to "Washington. 

Still, we both kept our eyes peeled and watched 
Odell and Black. December 1, 1904, the Governor, 
through a friend, announced that Black was his 
preference for Depew 's seat. He called a con- 
ference of his Legislative friends, and afterward 
sought to convince me and others that he had 
Depew whipped. I disputed with him; I endeav- 
ored to show wherein he lacked the votes necessary 
to control the Republican caucus. Meantime, I 
had seen President Roosevelt. He expressed-a 
profound desire that Depew should be returned. 
That should have settled it, but still the Black 
forces labored incessantly. 

A few days before the caucus, however, there 
was an earnest talk between the Governor and 
Edward H. Harriman, who then wielded some 
power in the financial world. Harriman in- 

4G0 



g 



I 



The AutobiograpJnj of Thomas Collier Piatt 

duced Odell to agree to withdraw his support from 
Black and get in behind Depew. Just what hap- 
pened and was said, when the Governor notified 
Black of his change of heart, I prefer that one or 
the other should relate. Anvwav, there was no 
serious opposition to Depew in the Republican 
caucus that met at Albany in January, 1905, and 
he was reelected without trouble for another six 
years. 

During the nine years that Depew and I served 
as colleagues in the Senate there was a comrade- 
ship and harmony between us that was most de- 
lightful. I had known him since away back in 
1863. 

In 1864, as a candidate for Secretary of State, 
he carried New York by 30,000, though two years 
before the Democrats had swept the State. I knew 
him better in 1866, when President Johnson, after 
agreeing to appoint him Collector of the Port of 
New York, tore up his commission because Sena- 
tor Edwin D. Morgan refused to sustain his veto 
of the civil rights bill. I grew more intimate with 
Depew when he became attorney for and after- 
ward president of the Vanderbilt system of rail- 
ways. 

It was with pain that I saw him take a nomina- 
tion for Lieutenant-Governor on the Greeley ticket 
in 1872. But ever after that he was a straight-out 
organization Republican. 

Depew was a candidate against me for the U. S. 
Senate in 1881, but withdrew on the thirty-fourth 

461 



Jlie Autohiograpliy of Thomas Collier Piatt 

ballot. He might have gone to the Senate in 1885, 
instead of William M. Evarts, but he preferred to 
retain his association with the V-anderbilts. He 
was indorsed for President by the New York dele- 
gation in 1888 as a favorite son. From that time 
he was my associate in many a hard-fought po- 
litical battle. Depew has probably delivered more 
speeches for the Republican party than any man 
living. He was and is a corking stump speaker. 
For a quarter of a century he was more in demand 
than any orator I recall. 

ROUT OF ODELL HUGHES GOVERNOR 

I was a distant spectator rather than a partici- 
pant in the overthrow of Odell at Saratoga in Sep- 
tember, 1906. President Roosevelt ran the con- 
vention that met there and named Charles E. 
Hughes for Governor in place of Frank W. Hig- 
gins, who was so ill at that time that he died the 
following February. It was Roosevelt who, when 
it seemed likely that either Root or Black or Bruce 
would be named, simply spoke the name 
*' Hughes." Whether by telephone, telegram or 
messenger, it does not matter. And Hughes it 
was. 

It was Roosevelt who directed that Odell should 
step out of the State chairmanship and give way 
to Timothy L. Woodruff. It was Roosevelt who 
sent Elihu Root into New York State to save 
Hughes, when it was feared that William R. 

462 





Y P'AOH BROS.N.Y 



CHARLES E. HUGHES 
463 



The Antobiof^raphy of Thomas Collier Piatt 



Hearst, the Democratic candidate for Governor, 
would defeat him. I sorrowed much that every 
other Republican candidate on the ticket except 
Hughes was beaten. Bruce, the candidate for 
Lieutenant-Governor, had made a most worthy- 
record in the office. I should like to have seen him 
promoted to the Governorship. 

HUGHES, THE "hAED BOSS" 

As for Hughes, he is too much of an idealist to 
suit me. I never have had any use for a man who, 
after accepting honors from his party, assumes 
to be bigger and better than the party, and strives 
to wreck it. I never saw so much tyranny and in- 
tolerance exhibited in public office as I have wit- 
nessed in Hughes. While pretending to fight boss- 
ism, he developed during his first term as the 
greatest boss that ever sat in the Executive 
Chamber. 

Unlike any of his predecessors, he spurned sug- 
gestions that he ought to consult with Legislative 
leaders about ])roposed laws. For two years he 
arrogated to himself both Legislative and Execu- 
tive powers. He sought to make two hundred men, 
elected to represent respective constituencies all 
over the State, mere "rubber stamps." From 
January 1, 1907, to January 1, 1909, there was no 
Legislature at Albany. 

I am rejoiced that there was an awakening, 
early in 1909, and that, led by John l\aiues and 

•464 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

James W. Wadsworth, Jr., the law-makers re- 
called that they were sent to the Senate and As- 
sembly to speak for their home districts and not 
for one man temporarily clothed with Executive 
authority. 

If I have been an ''Easy Boss," Hughes has 
tried to be a ''Hard Boss." 

Dictatorship will never be tolerated in free 
America. Its exponents may sometimes ride into 
power, but when they fall they never can resurrect 
themselves. 



465 




rrom left to right: Edward G. Rlggs, W. A. Smyth. Edward Lauterba.h. 

G»o. W. Dunn, Albert li. Howe, C. H. Murray, R. L. Fox, 

Hamilton Fish, Thomae Collier Piatt, Johu Kaiues. 

A BIRTHDAY PARTY 

M6 



CHAPTER XXn 

State legislation for which I am responsible — 
Tributes from ''Old Guard" leaders— Excise, 
election, corporation and rapid transit laws 
I pushed — A pioneer in subway plans. 

Upon my final retirement from the U. S. Sen- 
ate, President pro tern, of the State Senate John 
Raines, Deputy Comptroller Otto Kelsey, and 
William Barnes, Jr., very kindly paid me tribute 
for advancing at Albany the "best constructive 
legislation of recent years" while I was at the 
head of the party organization. 

Modestv forbids that I should sav too much 
about the influence I personally wielded in having 
placed upon the statute books many of the laws 
which a majority of citizens have agreed, I be- 
lieve, resulted in great benefit to them and the 
State. Otto Kelsey, who served in the Legislature 
when I was seeking to guide the organization 
forces in enacting legislation, testifies that: "To 
Mr. Piatt, as much if not more than any other 
man, is due the credit of pushing through the pres- 
ent election and excise laws. Both laws stand out 
as among the best the State has ever enacted, and 
in principle they will probably stand for years 

to come." 

467 



TJic Autohiograpliij of Thomas Collier Flatt 

Senator Raines has publicly given his approba- 
tion to my part in creating the Greater New York 
and aiding him in putting through the excise law 
that bears his name. 

*'a scorcher of fakers" 

Mr. Barnes, than whom there is no cleverer 
politician in the State (Governor Hughes' opinion 
to the contrary), commends my services to the na- 
tion and State in a way that makes me blush. He 
recently wrote a criticism of Governor Hughes, 
in which he said: 

"The life of the people should not be made one 
long political miasma. Whatever opinion may be 
now, the day is not far distant when the clarity 
of mind which was shown by Thomas C. Piatt in 
the affairs of the State will be recognized for its 
great worth. His brain was so simple that it 
sensed without study what was meretricious ; and 
despite the maddest antagonism, purely because of 
the power which came to him through his wisdom, 
he protected the State from error with rare in- 
telligence. He scorched the faker with caustic 
irony ; and had his hand been as free as his hope, 
he never would have permitted an agitator for 
political advancement to have passed the portal." 

The genesis and putting together of the Greater 
New York have already been described. During 
the Morton administration I exerted myself to 
secure to the State the best excise law that could 

468 



TJie Autohio^raphi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

be contrived. I did this despite the fact that op- 
ponents of any radical change threatened my life 
in such a brazen manner that friends insisted upon 
employing detectives, day and night, to protect 
me. I did this, too, regardless of the fact that a 
very formidable faction in my party held over 
my head threats that I would not only suffer bod- 
ily harm, but surely would lose the leadership. 

As in other cases involving political and legis- 
lative problems, this act was originally considered 
at what was then known popularly as the "Sun- 
day-school," which during the session was held 
almost everv Sabbath at mv rooms at the Fifth 
Avenue Hotel, New York. There the leaders of 
both branches of the Legislature were accustomed 
to gather, and we took counsel as to what laws 
would prove most beneficial to the people and 
the State. 

EXCISE LAW ABUSES CORRECTED 

At the time each city had a local excise board. 
Neither these nor the police seemed able to en- 
force the statutes restricting the sale of liquor. 
Though there was a supposed stringent law 
against the sale of intoxicants on Sunday, it was 
constantly violated. Abundant evidence devel- 
oped that the police were under the pay of hotel 
and saloon keepers, who persisted in doing busi- 
ness on Sunday. Taxes supposed to be exacted 
for the privilege of conducting a liquor business 

469 



TJie Auiohioiiraplui of Thomas Collier Flatt 

were openly evaded. The revenues "were ridicu- 
lously small, and it became a notorious fact that 
this kind of traffic was not bearing its just share 
of the expenses of maintaining the government. 

It was determined at conferences of the Legis- 
lative leaders and myself that the cities having 
demonstrated their inability to control the traffic 
the State should take hold. Senator Eaines, act- 
ing in cooperation with myself and leaders of the 
Senate and Assembly, framed a bill creating a 
State excise commission, and increasing the cost 
of following the liquor business. At first there 
were vehement protests from various quarters of 
the State. The brewers and liquor dealers banded 
together to defeat the proposed legislation. But 
the organization made the Kaines bill a party 
measure, and it was put through the Legislature. 
Governor Morton approved the bill. And I think 
Mr. Morton will agree with me that it was one 
of the crowning acts of his administration. 

A SEVENTY THOUSAND DOLLAR BRIBERY FUND 

The Raines bill was passed despite the raising 
and offering of a large sum of money to members 
of the Legislature to vote against it. Only a short 
time ago George L. Carlisle told about it in the 
New York Times. He recited the confession of a 
lobbyist. Carlisle wrote: 

"When we were seated, he said he would show 
me the list — the official list, as it were — giving 

470 



The Autohiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

the names of those who had come to an agreement 
with him as to the Raines bill and the amount each 
had agreed to receive and vote against it. Open- 
ing his trnnk, he thrnst his hand to the bottom, 
and pulled ont one of the long tally sheets, the 
Vind T had often seen used in the House, on which 
the names of all the members were printed and 
also two column spaces, headed *yea' and 'nay,* 
for recording the roll calls. 

**It had figures marked against at least half of 
the names. He handed it to me, saying, in sub- 
stance, that it showed by whom the Raines bill 
was to have been beaten, and the figure each was 
to have received. Glancing at it hurriedly, I no- 
ticed the amounts ranged from $250 to $10,000, 
and that there were two, and I am not now sure 
but three, at the larger figure; and also that the 
total was something over $67,000. Running my 
eyes quickly over the names, I recall being not 
overwhelmed with surprise as to the most of them, 
but reading one name, I pointed at it and re- 
marked with a gasp: 'What! that man?' To 
which he listlessly replied : 'Yes, that man. Sit- 
ting right where you do and across this table, he 
agreed to vote for or against it for $500.' 

"I pressed him to tell me how it happened that 
the bill passed, notwithstanding those hostile 
preparations. I\Iuch of his explanation was mere- 
ly confirmatory of what was matter of common 
rumor among the members. It appears that after 
finding how much would be re(iuired to defeat, 

471 



The Auiubioij;rapJii/ of Thomas Collier PlatL 

$70,000 was raised among the brewers throughout 
the State, with Buffalo as the center of opei-ations; 
that the money was brought from there to Albany, 
and nothing seemed surer than that the Haines 
bill was doomed, 

* ' But they had reckoned without the ' Easy Boss, ' 
who was then in the heyday of his power. He had 
set his mind upon passing the bill — for the good 
of the party. Learning that it was in this 
jeopardy, he had read the riot act in certain quar- 
ters, as coming direct from him, threatening, if 
the bill was defeated, a whole lot of criminal 
prosecutions for bribery would follow. It was 
enough. The only thing which could save the bill 
had happened. There was a scattering. The 
money was sent back to Buft'alo, and all those 
graft promises were off. 

*'I have often heard the 'Easy Boss' cussed and 
discussed — simultaneously, as a rule — but his sav- 
ing the Raines bill, with its high license, quieter 
Sunday and keeping the blinds-up features, al- 
ways seemed to me particularly meritorious, for 
the Raines bill in its inception and infancy was 
considered a distinctly moral measure. 

* * Being a pretty firm believer in the benevolent 
despot, I do not find much fault with the boss 
system per se. My objection to bosses, in the main, 
is that they are usually of such poor stuff." 



472 



l^he Autobiosj^raphi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 



BENEFICENT RESULTS OF THE NEW LAW 

The late H. H. LjTnan, of Oswego, was made the 
first Commissioner of Excise. Under his regime 
the chaotic conditions gradually began to disap- 
pear. Capable agents were appointed for the 
collection of the tax and detecting violations of 
the law. They proved too few, and more were 
added. Up to this day, in my judgment, there is 
not a sufficient number of them, and I have 
watched for and urged an increase, especially 
since it has become apparent, from a nearly thir- 
teen years' trial, that the local police do not en- 
force the law as it should be enforced. 

One grand result, however, has been accom- 
plished, and that is a tremendous increase in the 
revenue for both State and localities. When I 
look at the aggregate receipts for 1907, the only 
available figures before me ($17,830,467.75), half 
of which went to the State and half to the 
it seems to me that as a revenue producer the 
law has proved a remarkable success. It was 
largely due to the taking over of the excise de- 
partments by the State, that during the Odell ad- 
ministration it was made possible to do away with 
direct taxation. 

The so-called Raines law has proved so satis- 
factory that no serious attempt has ever been 
made to repeal it. Our political opponents at- 
tacked it for a time after it went into operation.. 
But when it proved such an effective revenue- 

473 



The yiutohiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

getter they quit. And to-day no one would dare 
to head a movement for its repeal. 



RAINES* EULOGITJM 

That my views were respected and appreciated 
at Albany during the controversy over the amend- 
ments to the excise law, let Senator Eaines, whose 
name will ever be linked with it, testify. In his 
speech closing the debate in the Senate, when the 
original act was on its final passage, Senator 
Eaines said: *'The Democratic party has told 
the people that it was not intended to pass this 
bill ; that it was simply a scheme of the man whom 
they designate as 'Boss Piatt,' to compel contri- 
butions to the Ivepublican campaign fund. It be- 
gins to dawn upon them that there may have been 
a slight mistake somewhere, and that Thomas C. 
Piatt is not the man they took him for. To-day 
every Republican in the State, and every Demo- 
crat, too, knows and has no doubt about it, either, 
that whatever influence, be it greater or less, the 
Republican leader may have, it is used for the 
passage of this bill. 

''I believe that no labor that he has performed 
will carry with it more beneficent results to the 
party to which he belongs, and to the people as 
well, or will more redound to the honor of Thomas 
Collier Piatt, than his efforts to secure the passage 
of this bill. 

"It has been said that vSenator Miller does not 

474 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

favor the bill because the tax is not high enough; 
and I adniit I have nowhere seen a denial of this 
from him, though I doubt the accuracy of the state- 
ment. Other gentlemen have been reported as 
objecting to it because it does not meet their views 
in some slight particular. But I wish to remind 
them that the years are before us in which amend- 
ments may be made, if experience shall show them 
to be necessary. To-day, 'a condition, not a theory, 
confronts us.' And I appeal to my Republican col- 
leagues to overlook those matters in which the bill 
may not be in accord with their views, and give 
their support, as being a measure for the relief of 
the overburdened taxpayers of the State ; a meas- 
ure in the interest of the honest toilers and their 
dependent families; a measure in the interest of 
temperance, and which, whatever its defects may 
be, is, taken as a whole, for the best interests of 
the peoj^le, whose welfare is the supreme law." 

The amendments came from time to time in 
the years that followed. Originally the act pro- 
vided that the locality should realize two-thirds 
of the total revenue, wliile the State should take 
one-third. During the first administration of 
Governor Odell it was determined that there 
should be an e(iual division between the State and 
the localities, and that there should be an increase 
in the cost of the liquor tax certificate, so that the 
people could get rid of direct taxation. This plan 
finally prevailed, and, as I have heretofore stated, 
chiefly because of it, the State has since 1902 had 

475 



TJie Autobiography of Thomas Collier Flatt 

no direct taxes to pay, though it is building a 
hundred-million-dollar barge-canal and is setting 
aside five millions a year for the improvement of 
highways. 

TREMENDOUS REVENUE PRODUCED 

Senator Raines predicted at the time the legis- 
lation was under consideration, that not only would 
the cities which at first protested most vigorously 
against what thev characterized as robberv for the 
benefit of up-country districts and a violation of 
the principle of home rule, realize many 
times their present revenue, with a consequent 
reduction in taxes, but that the net reduction in 
the number of liquor resorts would be great. 
Kaines' prophecy has been fulfilled. The net re- 
ceipts from licenses in 1895, the year before the 
new law went into effect, in thirty-one of the prin- 
cipal cities and towns, aggregated $3,423,493. 
Raines estimated that under the legislation con- 
templated, the total amount of receipts for the 
State would reach $13,793,425, if the same num- 
ber of liquor dispensaries continued. Figuring 
that the number would be reduced by 40 per 
cent., he calculated that the net revenue would be 
at least $8,275,925, $5,500,286 of which was to go 
to the localities and $2,754,851 to the State. 

The cities contended that Raines did not know 
what he was talking about. That even he did not 
realize what a stupendous addition would be made 

476 



The Autohiograplii/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

to the revenue, eventually was disclosed by the 
official reports of the State. Under the old law, 
according to returns for 1896, the net revenues in 
localities where licenses were issued, aggregated 
only $2,921.62 ; a year later, under the new law, the 
net revenues reached $10,449,829.84. For the year 
1897-98 there were $11,373,489.37; for 1898-99, 
$11,379,465.73; 1899-1900, $11,432,636.25; 1900-01, 
$11,435,963.98; 1901-02, $11,485,212.40; 1902-03, 
$11,694,521.57. 

The 50 per cent, increase in the tax ordered 
in 1902, which put an end to direct taxation, 
pushed the annual receipts for 1903-04 to $16,643,- 
595.90; for 1904-05, $16,730,829.70; 1905-06, $17,- 
043,201.30; 1906-07, $17,489,316.42; and 1907-08, 
$17,830,467.75. The State's share of this was $9,- 
087,757.36, while that of the localities was $8,742,- 
710.39. New York City, which received in 1895 
only $1,631,120 from license fees, realized $3,773,- 
471.88 in 1907-08. Kings (Brooklyn), which got 
only $879,950 in 1895, got $1,713,837.20 in 1907-08. 
Buffalo, whose net receipts in 1895 were but $321,- 
260, realized the greater part of $666,673.13, ap- 
portioned to Erie County. 

So much for the revenue-producing qualities of 
the excise law. For the benefit of those who be- 
lieve in restricting the number of resorts where 
liquor is sold, let me say that during the first year 
the Raines law became operative, 6,588 places 
were driven out of business. The number of 
licenses reported in force April 30, 1896, aggre- 

477 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

gated 33,437. The number of liquor tax certifi- 
cates in force April 30, 1907, under the new law. 
was 27,192. 

TO STOP NEW York's illegal voting 

It was during the Morton administration, too, 
that the initial steps were taken to secure ballot 
reform. Out of them grew the prevailing secret 
system of voting which has been amended some- 
what, but still retains many of its original 
features. Prior to the enactment of this legisla- 
tion, which was also drawn at the Fifth Avenue 
Hotel ''Sunday-school," and introduced by the 
late Lieutenant-Governor Charles T. Saxton and 
later amended by Senator Eaines, there were cries 
from all over the State that New York elections 
were the most fraudulent and corrupt that could 
be conceived. While this may have been somewhat 
true as affecting the city of New York, where evi- 
dence was produced that from 25,000 to 40,000 
crooked Democratic votes were cast at each con- 
test, I never believed that the same accusations 
could be successfully maintained against the coun- 
try districts. 

The Democrats, particularly from the metropo- 
lis, bitterly fought the Saxton and later the Raines 
acts, intended to perfect the former. But by a 
party vote of both houses, the ballot reform bills 
were passed, and Governor Morton signed them. 
While no law that can bo enacted can be regarded 

478 



The Autobiography of Thomas CoUicr Piatt 

as absolutely perfect, I sincerely believe that the 
election laws of this State are as practicable and 
insure as honest voting and counting, if enforced, 
as any in the world. 

To Senator Raines is due the full credit for the 
present blanket-ballot. It has insured not only 
secrecy as to how a man votes, but has reduced 
immeasurably the number of crooked votes, not 
only in New York City, but in the State at large. 

STATE SUPERVISION OF ELECTIONS 

To the credit of the Black administration must 
be ascribed the creation of the State Bureau of 
Elections. The revelations of the Lexow and 
Mazet committees disclosed how incompetent and 
in league with election knaves were the Tammany 
police. I concluded that if we could not have a 
State police, we would at least put a State curb 
on franchise roguery. So soon after Governor 
Black assumed office, there was enacted a law, 
creating a State Superintendent of Elections, with 
authority to enforce the statutes framed to give 
the people an honest ballot and fair count. 

John McCullagh, who, because of his sincere 
endeavor to root out Dever>^ism, had been removed 
as Chief of Police by Mayor Van AVyck, was the 
first head of the State Bureau. With the estab- 
lishment of it, frauds, while not actually wiped 
out, were greatly diminished. Had McCullagh 
been retained long enough to completely organize 

479 



T}ic Autohiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

his bureau, I believe tliat less crimes against the 
election franchise would have been committed than 
happened after his decapitation, during the second 
term of the Odell administration. 

Odell added the bureau to his political machine 
by putting out McCullagh, a stanch friend of mine, 
and substituting George W. Morgan. I did not 
notice any wholesale detection of registration or 
election rascality during the Morgan regime. Nor 
have I discovered any great improvement in the 
conduct of the bureau under the Hughes govern- 
ment. With a fearless, competent chief, the elec- 
tion bureau could be made a terror to the election 
thug. I am of the opinion that it would have 
proved so had Mr. McCullagh been retained. 

A PIONEER IN EAPID TRANSIT PROJECTS 

With no intent of detracting from the perform- 
ances of others, I shall have to admit that I was 
among the pioneers seeking to provide genuine 
rapid transit for New York City. My attention 
was first called to the problem during the last 
term of Govenior Hill's administration, which ter- 
minated in 1891. 

A scheme was brought to me that had been thor- 
oughly worked up by competent engineers and 
statisticians. The result of their work was sub- 
mitted to me in the form of elaborate reports upon 
every phase of the question. I was very much 
impressed by the information contained in one 

4S0 



The Auiohio^rapliji of Thomas ('oilier Piatt 

of these reports with reference to tlio increase of 
travel up and down town, and the absolute neces- 
sity for providing additional facilities of the most 
comprehensive character to take care of the same. 
I became convinced that simply keeping abreast 
of the normal increase of such travel made it nec- 
essary to furnish new facilities each year adequate 
to take care of twenty million passengers, ton mil- 
lion each way. I also learned that this meant the 
construction of four new tracks every four or five 
years. These figures were presented to me as 
furnishing an argument in favor of the reconstruc- 
tion of the elevated structures ; but on mature re- 
flection I reached the conclusion that they fur- 
nished the strongest kind of an argument against 
the proposition which I was asked to favor, be- 
cause they demonstrated that the solution of the 
difficulty proposed was wholly inadequate and a 
mere makeshift. For this reason, and because I 
knew that there was very strong and, as I be- 
lieved, justifiable opposition to further encroach- 
ment upon the city's streets by elevated struc- 
tures, I refused to lend my support to the scheme 
proposed. But during the consideration of the 
subject my eyes had been opened to the impor- 
tance of finding some solution of the rapid transit 
problem. 

I therefore began to consider the subway 
question. 

The most serious difficulty about securing pri- 
vate capital for the construction of subways at 

481 



Tlie Aut()hif)ii;raphif of Thomas Collier Piatt 

that time was the sharp difference of opinion 
among competent engineers as to the cost of con- 
structing subways, the most donbtful item being 
the cost of earth excavation. All kinds of esti- 
mates were given of the cost of such excavation, 
varying between $7 and 60 cents per cubic yard. 
The reason for such a wide difference of opinion 
was that each engineer had in mind, in making his 
estimate, a different manner of doing the work. 
The low man proposed to do the work by open 
trench, the high man by ''cut and cover." The 
low man paid no attention to the rights of the 
owners of sub-surface structures; the high man 
included a liberal allowance to cover the expense 
of maintaining such structures, 

INITIAL RAPID TRANSIT BOARD 

After listening to a great many opinions, vary- 
ing all the way between extreme pessimism and 
extreme optimism, I reached the conclusion that 
it was important that the Legislature should take 
steps to secure the appointment of a Commission 
on Eapid Transit. A bill to accomplish this ob- 
ject was introduced by Senator Fassett, about the 
close of Governor Hill's last term. The general 
subject was discussed with the Governor and his 
friends, prior to the introduction of this bill, and 
I assumed that the bill would be supported by 
them. In its early stages it received a kind of 
lukewarm support from them, but at last they 

482 



The Autohiograpluj of Thomas Collier Piatt 

opposed it vigoroush'. It passed the Senate as a 
Republican caucus measure, but was defeated 
in the Assembly by two or three votes, owing to the 
revolt of Messrs. Gibbs and Fish. Later, however, 
a bill became law, which gave us the first Rapid 
Transit Commission that really began the build- 
ing of underground railway's. 

Although my first attempt to secure subways 
for New York was defeated, I did not lose my in- 
terest in the subject, and I have continually since 
that time done what I could to bring about sub- 
way constniction, because I am as sure as I can 
be of anything that the growth and prosperity of 
the city are dependent thereon. 

The transit question with us is made particu- 
larly difficult of solution because of the shape of 
Manhattan Island, and the fact that the most im- 
portant business interests are located at or near 
the point of the leaf. 

Although I have been an earnest advocate of 
subways, I have never approved, and I do not now 
approve, of the investment of public moneys 
therein, except upon terms and conditions which 
entirely eliminate the possibility of loss. Pres- 
sure will always be brought to bear upon the city 
authorities to build with public moneys subways 
to be used in the development of suburban lo- 
calities, whether the conditions are sufficiently fa- 
vorable to attract private capital or not. 



48 



o 



The Autohio^raphij of TJioma.^ Collier Piatt 



CITY WILL ULTIMATELY OWN SUBWAYS 

The plan embodied in the present Eapid Transit 
Act, which in effect gives to subway promoters 
the benefit of the citj^'s credit, without subjecting 
the city to any danger of ultimate loss, if carried 
out in a broad-minded and intelligent way, will, 
within a period of time short in the life of a great 
city (fifty to seventy-five years), put the city in 
the possession and ownership of a magnificent 
system of subways, for which not a single dollar 
of public money will have been expended. This 
plan was first suggested b}- Mayor Hewitt, in a 
speech made by him before the Chamber of Com- 
merce. Mr. Plewitt's views wore received with 
genuine enthusiasm. They were supported by a 
popular vote, and the admirable commission of 
experienced business men appointed, known as 
the Orr Commission, for many years received 
general support from both political parties and 
from the press. 

I think of my old friend, Commodore Starin, 
and the splendid work done by him. He has lately 
passed away, full of years and honors. I am 
sorry that he is not here to read this article. Mr. 
Orr, Mr. Smith, Mr. Rives, and, in fact, all the 
commissioners wlio had anything to do with the 
building of the subway system now in operation, 
the McAdoo tunnels and the Pennsylvania ex- 
tension, are also entitled to the highest praise 
from their fellow citizens for their painstaking 

484 



The Aiitohioffraphi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

and intelligent work in the public interest. The 
direct and indirect advantage to the city from this 
work, viewed simply from the standpoint of dol- 
lars and cents, without considering the greatly 
increased comfort of the traveling public, must be 
measured, not by millions, or even tens of mil- 
lions, but bv hundreds of millions. 

TRANSIT CHECKED BY LEGISLATION 

Eapid transit progress has been temporarily 
checked by the provisions of the Elsberg bill, the 
Public Service Commissions bill, and the imfriend- 
ly attitude of the New York public toward rapid 
transit promoters. "While, of course, with the in- 
formation which we now have, it may be possible 
to make better terms with contractors and lessees 
than those made by the late Rapid Transit Com- 
mission with John B. McDonald, it must be clear 
to every thinking man : 

First, that unless a proposed subway is suffi- 
ciently important to attract private capital, it 
ought not to be built; and second, that nothing 
worth doing is to be accomplished until the minds 
of responsible promoters and the city's represen- 
tatives meet on some comprehensive and feasible 
plan of improvement. 

Reckoning without your host is a sorry busi- 
ness, and if a commission is so dignified that its 
activities are limited to public hearings and news- 
paper discussion, it may produce a most volumi- 
nous record of its proceedings, but it will build 
no new subways. 




J. SLOAT FASSETT MARK A. HANNA 

MATTHEW S. QUAY 



4^6 



CHAPTER XXIII 

The ^'Anien Comer" — Distinguished men with 
whom I have played political battledore and 
shuttlecock there — Presidents, Governors, 
U. S. Senators and other influential office- 
holders selected in the nook — Depew's and 
my farewell addresses at the "ivake. 



t> 



Few spots have ever been more hallowed to 
me than the ''Amen Corner." 

For the benefit of the uninitiated, let me say 
that this was a celebrated niche in the corridor 
of the old Fifth Avenue Hotel, where from the 
da}^ this hostelry opened its doors in 1859, until 
1908, sat the most distinguished men of this and 
other countries. 

A newspaper friend, the late W. J. Chamber- 
lin, of the New York Sun, gave it its name in a 
cleverly written sketch some years before he fell 
at the post of duty, after reporting the Boxer re- 
bellion in China. I assume that he adapted it 
from Thackeray's description of the Amen Cor- 
ners in Old England's churches. 

On two benches, sometimes covered witli green, 
and sometimes with red plush, leaders of political, 
literary and social thought, for nearly fifty years, 
were accustomed to exchange their views. Many a 

487 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Flatt 

Governmental policy and many a candidate for 
office have been determined upon in the nook whose 
history has for almost a decade been commemo- 
rated by a series of annual dinners. A complete 
list of the illustrious personages with vrhom I have 
swapped opinions in the "Corner" would proba- 
bly tax this entire volume. They include Presi- 
dents, Vice-Presidents, Governors and other State 
officers. National and State legislators, mayors, 
financiers, army and navy officers, professional 
men of every tj^DC, to say nothing of foreign po- 
tentates, like the present King of England. 

PRESmENTS WHO HAVE LOLLED THERE 

I have consulted there with Presidents Lincoln. 
Grant, Hayes, Garfield, Arthur, Harrison, McKin- 
ley and Eoosevelt, and with James G. Blaine, who 
ought to have been President. I have listened 
there to tales of sanguinary battles from the lips 
of Generals Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, Meade, 
Burnside, McDowell, Kearney, Kilpatrick, Fur- 
long, Johnston, Longstreet and other Union and 
Confederate Hectors. 

On one of these benches, Eoscoe Conkling and 
myself used to plan our campaigns. It was there 
that we talked over our offensive and defensive 
contests between Pepublicans and Democrats, 
Stalwarts and Half-breeds. It was there that 
I made up my mind to support Blaine for Presi- 
dent in 1884, and Harrison in 1888. It was there 

488 



The Aiitohio^raphi) of TJioinas CiAlier Piatt 

that Quay, Clarkson, Alger, Fessenden and myself 
concluded in 1892 to uphold Blaine and not Harri- 
son. In the same place I pledged ]\rorton my sup- 
port for Goveraor in 1894: and for President in 
1896. 

It was in this ''Corner" that Roosevelt and I 
joined one another after we had in my private 
apartments decided that he should be my candi- 
date for Governor in 1898. And it was there that 
the program to make him Vice-President and ulti- 
mately President was contrived. 

It was in the same pews that members of my 
Sunday political school class used to assemble be- 
fore and after the sessions in my rooms. And 
it was there that the preliminary plans were laid 
for all the vital legislation enacted at Albany for 
a quarter of a century. 

On one of these settees, Frank Hiscock, Chaun- 
cey M. Depew and myself were practically deter- 
mined upon for United States Senators in 1887, 
1897 and 1899, respectively. On one of them Gen- 
eral Benjamin F. Tracy was first suggested for 
Mayor of New York in 1897. TMiile seated there 
I received the news of the election of William L. 
Strong and Seth Low, the only Eepublicans elected 
Mayor of New York since the seventies. 

Not all the "Ameners" have been Eepublicans, 
however. Non-partisanship, so far as it had to 
do with occupying the benches, except on stated 
days for Eepublican conferences, was ever one of 
the cardinal principles of the brethren. 

489 



The Aiitohi()p;r(iph}j of Thomas Collier Piatt 

''Uncle Sammy" Tilden, Arthur Piie Gorman. 
and Calvin S. Brice were frequent visitors to the 
''Corner." John Kelly, Richard Croker and 
Charles F. Murphy, the Tammany leaders; and 
Senator Patrick H. McCarreu, the Kings County 
Democratic leader, have lolled upon the cushions 
and played political battledore and shuttlecock 
with myself and other Republicans. 

What tales those benches could recite had they 
the power of speech ! Indeed, they could give one 
the most accurate histoiy of the politics of this 
State, and much of that of the nation since Fort 
Sumpter was fired upon. 

MY LAST PERCH ON THE BENCH 

The last time I occupied one of the benches was 
during the **wake" ceremonies of April 4, 1908. 
Then, with Senator Depew and Chairman Wood- 
ruff, of the Republican State Committee, flanking 
me, my portrait was taken, and we all made 
speeches and drank a last glass together with 
''Old Guardsmen." When the Fifth Avenue was 
dismantled, the benches were carefullv installed in 
the Hoffman House corridor. 

I never could bring myself to squat there. I 
prefer to fondly recall the traditional lounging 
place where the arbiters of the fortunes of both 
political parties met on fair terms and inaugu- 
rated or settled contests, and then rehearsed them 
all over again. 

490 



The Autohiographif of Thomas Collier Flait 

It was a day of mourning when the dear old 
Fifth Avenue was obliterated. Those who will 
hand down unscathed to our children and to our 
children's children, the benches we loved so much, 
will receive the blessing of one whom the boys 
have repeatedly told me is "The Original 
Amener." 

Perhaps I cannot more appropriately close this 
chapter than to quote from speeches delivered by 
myself and Senator Depew at the **wake." I 
confess there were tears in my eyes, and I repeat- 
edly choked as I tried to say : — 

MY GOOD-BY TO THE " CORNER" 

Any effort, the very slightest, to express what 
I feel at the thought of the removal of the his- 
toric landmark which was my home for all of 
thirty-three years, would compel me to take my 
seat in silence, so I must avoid that subject and 
assume a cheerfulness which I have not got. This 
noble edifice, in its day one of the most imposing 
in our city, even now in its majestic simplicity is 
good to look at. It is the privilege of elderly gen- 
tlemen, to which distinction I may soon aspire, to 
resent the rude way that progress has of turning 
things upside down; and although the structure 
which is to take the place of this one may be 
bigger and grander and more in keeping with 
these latter days, I shall doubt whether it will be 
so much associated with history and affairs. 

491 



Tlic ^Lulobiugraphy of TJiomas Collier Piatt 

The Fifth Avenue Hotel has entertained in its 
day a larger number of the great of the earth 
whose plans for social and commercial enterprises 
and improvements were here matured and exe- 
cuted, than has any other house in America. But 
perhaps its chief fame will remain in its long 
association with the Republican party. Sitting in 
the *'Amen Corner," which may never be revived, 
one's vision extended from Montauk Point to 
Buffalo, and it is no idle boast to say that it was 
the judgment that collected in the ''Amen Corner" 
and there threshed out the issues of the day, 
which for a period of many years directed the 
destinies of the State of New York, wrote its 
statutes, and decreed all its important acts of 
government. I shall not take this time to con- 
sider whether the changes that have latterly oc- 
curred are reforms or otherwise. 

It may be that one-man government is at all 
times the best, or that to elect a single instrument 
of the public will, upon the understanding that he 
shall run things as the newspapers ordain, is the 
policy of perfection ; but at all events, nobodj' can 
take away from the Fifth Avenue Hotel the fame 
that it for years enjoyed as the place where from 
every city and county in this State there came, 
met and conferred the strongest minds in the Re- 
publican party, and the place from which, after 
their combined judgment had been finally reached, 
there went a sentiment in accordance with which 
popular judgment was molded and put into effect. 

492 



The Autobiograpli// of Thomas Collier Piatt 

That sentiment, born, as I said, of the large 
experience and considerate judgment of the popu- 
lar leaders who composed the Republican organi- 
zation, and who habitually assembled here, and 
from here dispersed throughout this State with a 
common purpose and an harmonious understand- 
ing, has made and iinmade Presidents and Gov- 
ernors, has determined platforms and policies 
both in the State and the Nation, and has exer- 
cised a controlling influence upon affairs for a 
period of time within ichicli the Republican party 
achieved its greatest successes and the people of 
the State their largest measure of prosperity. 
That is a glory ivhich ivill be associated with this 
spot for many years to come. 

Then Senator Depew, the youngest old man I 
ever knew, clambered upon the bench and, amid 
the yells of the '^Old Guard," told just what the 
*'Amen Corner" meant, and ''what it had done 
Senator Depew said : 



SENATOR DEPEW S SPEECH 

My dear old friends : I have sat on this bench 
on and off for forty years, but I never stood on 
it. I have heard many great questions discussed 
at different times, and one of them was as to what 
was the capital of this countiy. The capital has 
been this "Corner." 

I know Governors who thought they did things 

493 



J J 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

from the Executive Chamber; but they were done 
from the "Amen Corner." I know speakers who 
are looked to for the make-up of committees from 
the lower house of the Legislature. They said 
they would consult with the members of their 
families in the rural regions, and I have found 
that the families they consulted were Senator 
Piatt in the "Amen Corner." I have known con- 
ventions where the 900 delegates thought they 
would make up the State ticket themselves; but 
they received their inspiration from the plush seats 
in the "Amen Corner." Many a man who sat on 
these benches thought he would be Governor, and 
was glad to get the nomination for Assembly. I 
speak from the venerableness of old age. (Shout: 
"No, you don't! Years don't count; now what 
counts is your condition.") 

Historic memories like this should be preserved. 
I saw Blaine, Conkling, Grant and Arthur sit 
here. I have seen this ' ' Corner ' ' filled with men in 
uniforms, but at other times by men who wanted 
to be decorated with uniforms. I do not believe 
there will ever be a spot in the State or country 
where so much of influence and power will go out 
to make for history as the "Amen Corner. 



?? 



494 



CHAPTER XXIV 

Clarkson's analysis of my leadership — Lenient 
and forgiving, rather than revengeful, I have 
been an ''Easy Boss" and "keep no book of 
hates. '^ 

General James S. Clarkson recently made this 
analysis of my career : 

In seeking to rule New York, Mr. Piatt had 
first, at the establishment of his power, to make 
himself the leader of all leaders. This his critics 
admit he has done. Having thus become the ac- 
cepted leader of leaders, he became responsible 
and remained responsible in the large part for 
all that the State as a State has done since. 

A rigid inspection of the leaders who followed 
him shows them to be men of such high class, in 
public ability and personal worth, that they may 
themselves be called in corroboration and proof 
that he has always called and accepted the best 
and strongest men of his party to his support and 
never demeaned himself or his great purposes by 
building up his power on men who have simply 
followed him as parasites, "because," as Juvenal 
said, "of being taken with the smell of his 
kitchen. ' ' 

495 



The .iut()hi()i>;raph}i of TlioniuH ('oilier Flatt 

The great skill of Grant was in choosing his 
generals and in organizing his army. After that, 
as he has said, nothing could defeat him. 

Much the same has been Piatt's skill in his po- 
litical organization and the contests he has made. 
Grant did not lead in all the successful battles 
under him. He selected and directed the men 
who did. Piatt has not led personally in all his 
hundred contests and his hundred victories, but he 
has led in the most of them, and has chosen and 
supported the leaders who won the others. 

It is asserted that he has ruled with such a 
strong hand, that he has personally selected the 
members making up a majority of every Repub- 
lican Legislature in recent years ; also every State 
official, and every judge who has been elected in 
Republican districts or appointed by Republican 
Governors; that he has asserted his way even in 
the choice of city and county officers, and that by 
these arbitrary and revolutionary methods he has 
changed a former Democratic State into a perma- 
nent Republican State. It is also insisted that 
his strong hand has passed over all the State in- 
stitutions of charity, reform, industry, and what 
not, and brought them into a line of similar char- 
acter with the Legislature, the State officials and 
the courts. 



496 



The Auiohiographi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 



LEGISLATION BETTER AND PROGRESSIVE 

As to the Legislature, we find that in recent 
years the State and all its public institutions, am- 
bitions and methods have been changed into nevr 
and better courses; all the new legislation has 
been progressive; the complexion and habit of 
things changed at Albany; the lobby banished 
from the State Plouse, and a new system of check 
and balance, as between the people and the cor- 
porations, for the better protection of the public, 
established; the State's corporation laws revised 
and liberalized; the laws of taxation greatly im- 
proved; legislation made much cleaner and more 
open; the custom of giving all interests public 
hearings before the proper Legislative commit- 
tees; the capacity and efficiency of the State's 
various institutions increased, and also the kind- 
ness of many of them toward helpless or suffering 
inmates; the financial policies of the State wisely 
nurtured into all that modern financiering can 
ask, or the interests of the people require; the 
great legislation accomplishing the Greater New 
York, fairly to be called ]\Ir. Piatt's personal 
work, and to stand for time to his credit; and the 
laws for the control of the liquor traffic completely 
revised, the tax made so high that the number of 
saloons has been reduced by over eight thousand 
and over sixtv millions of dollars in five vears 
brought to the State from this interest that before 
largely escaped its just share of taxation. 

497 



The AutobiograpJiy of Thomas Collier Plait 

It took moral courage and personal pluck to 
oppose this powerful and desperate element and 
put a curb in its moutli. But Mr. Piatt quietly 
faced the actual personal dangers as one of his 
Revolutionary grandfathers would have faced 
them; just as he has faced the demand to let the 
saloons of New York City be open on Sundays, 
and all others in the State close<L 

[General Clarkson referred to threats upon my 
life during the battle over the Raines liquor tax 
law, which caused my friends to employ detectives 
to protect me night and day.] 

Record and truth acquit Mr. Piatt and the Leg- 
islatures of all the charges made against them, 
and acquit the people of the State, in indorsing 
him and the Assemblies year by year, of having 
been wrong in doing so ; and leave the accusers of 
him and them discredited and impeached on their 
own chosen ground of trial and proof. In the 
whole Legislative field, so much railed against, and 
charged so much with being corrupt, not even his 
worst enemies point out specifically any good leg- 
islation that Mr. Piatt has not favored, nor any 
bad legislation that he has not opposed. 

FOUR GREAT GOVERNORS 

The most of the complaints in regard to Mr. 
Piatt have been in respect of four Oovernors. 
These Governors, whom he has been charged with 
having personally selected and forced on the State, 

498 



The Autohloii;rai)hij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

are Levi P. Morton, an ex- Vice-President of the 
United States, one of the first American gentle- 
men, financiers and philanthropists; Mr. Black, 
of such personal ability and power and courage 
as to win and keep the State's highest regard; 
Colonel Roosevelt, the untamed and untamable, 
never possible of being made bridlewise to any 
man's reins — the strenuous man of the new times, 
to whose usefulness the future alone sets the limit ; 
and Governor Odell, who, by the very strength of 
first taking hold as well as by the immediate dem- 
onstration of uncommon ability and courageous 
purpose, won at once the faith of the State and 
the confidence and admiration of the people. 

It is a splendid lot of Governors that Mr. Piatt 
has personally given to the State — great, strong 
men, who conducted the business of the State on 
the highest plane, and without the least of scandal 
or reproach. 

The assertion that Mr. Piatt is revengeful in 
nature, and that people who opposed him in poli- 
tics, or in his own party, have had to meet his 
enmitv ever after, is met with abundant and strik- 
ing proofs exactly to the contrary. The greater 
places under recent Federal administrations held 
by New York men, were occupied by those who 
had always, and sharply, and not always chival- 
rously, opposed Mr. Piatt; such as Joseph H. 
Choate, Horace Porter and Elihu Root. 

Mr. Choate was made Ambassador to England 
bv Mr. Piatt's favor and request. Mr. Porter was 

499 



The ^iutobiograpliff of Thomas Collier Piatt 

made Ambassador to France by his favor and re- 
quest, and Mr, Eoot Secretary of War, through 
Mr. Piatt's suggestion and request. President 
Roosevelt was almost steadily a fighter against 
Piatt; vet Mr. Piatt chose him for Governor of 
New York, urged his entrance upon the contest 
and prevented his retirement from the lists just a 
few daj's before the convention, as Colonel Roose- 
velt was then determined to do. 

Indeed, it is nearer true that Mr. Piatt, in his 
nature, is trusting rather than distrustful ; credu- 
lous rather than sui)erstitious; and lenient and 
forgiving rather than revengeful. In all his traits 
or laws of character, he is more inclined to err on 
the side of forgiving enmity or wrong, rather than 
nursing up revenge or keeping a book of hates. 

General Clarkson's encomiums, deserved or not, 
cause me to recall with the profoundest fraternal 
affection the splendid body of American citizens 
with whom I have associated. Of them I will deal 
in a separate chapter. 



500 



CHAPTER XXV 

Mei2 I have made and unmade — Great array of 
distinguished Presidents, Governors and 
other officials the Neiv York orgmiization has 
furnished Nation and State— Those disrated 
who posed as ''Holier than Thou's— Field- 
marshals ivho were loyal in victory or dis- 
aster. 

I HAVE been accused of making some men and 
unmaking others. That is a charge frequently 
uttered against any one who has possessed 
political power. 

I have always believed that a political organi- 
zation should be as well disciplined as the army 
and the navy. An officer of either, who proves un- 
faithful, is sure of punishment. The traitor is 
rarely treated with mercy. Nor should he be in a 
political organization. 

My title of "Easy Boss" came to me unso- 
licited. I assume that those responsible for its 
creation were convinced that I never knowingly 
inflicted chastisement upon any member of the 
organization or member of the party, without first 
thoroughly acquainting myself with the facts in- 
volved in his offense. 

A political organization should be conducted 

501 




WILLIAM H. TAFT 
602 



The Autobiographii of Thomas Collier Piatt 

upon the simplest principles of business. Merit 
and devotion sliould be rewarded. Demerit and 
treachery should be condemned and examples 
made of those guilty of them. I have always main- 
tained that a majority rather than a minority of 
an organization should control the party and its 
policy. Whenever I have been in the minority, I 
have acquiesced in the decrees of the majority. 
"When in the majority, I have invariably contended 
that the minority should yield to the majority. 

During an experience of over fifty years in poli- 
tics, I have learned that obedience to instructions 
and gratitude are about as scarce as snow in the 
dog-days. In choosing my lieutenants and candi- 
dates, I invariably insisted upon the qualification 
that the man must know enough to "stand when 
hitched." The list of those who have ignored or 
defied this nile would fill a large volume. And 
that has made it necessary for me, as an organiza- 
tion chief, to reluctantly and sometimes merciless- 
ly administer punishment to a subordinate. Only 
in this way can the discipline of any body of men 
be enforced. 

I found this to be the case in the construction 
and maintenance of my first village machine, in 
the late fifties, as well as in the establishment and 
holding together of the great State machine, which, 
acting as a unit, transformed New York from a 
Democratic into an impregnable Eejmblican 
Gibraltar. 



503 



Tlie yiutobioi^raphii of Jliomas Collier Piatt 



FASSETT's INSUBORDINATION" 

Among the numerous instances of chastisement 
I was forced to apply, none gave me more regret 
and pain than when I was called upon to deal with 
J. Sloat Fassett, of Chemung. Attracted by his 
ability and energy, I early in the eighties brought 
about his nomination and election as State Sena- 
tor from the Chemung-Steuben District. He dis- 
played such devotion and aggressiveness in for- 
warding the interests of the Republican organiza- 
tion, that within a few years he was the recog- 
nized Republican floor-leader of the upper house 
at Albany. In the give-and-take battles with 
David B. Hill, then the Democratic Governor, Fas- 
sett proved himself exceedingly clever. Rare, in- 
deed, was it that the skilful politician on the second 
floor of the Capitol was not "hoist by his own 
petard," and his schemes to manufacture capital 
for himself and his party balked by the tact and 
parliamentary adeptness of the young man from 
Elmira, from which citv, bv the wav. Hill himself 
hailed. 

AVhen a Tammany carnival of corruption pre- 
vailed in New York City, I chose Fassett to head 
the Legislative committee that probed it. He 
handled the investigations so intelligently that the 
Tammany rogues were driven to cover, and legis- 
lation was enacted that remedied many of the 
wrongs from which citizens of the metropolis suf- 
fered. I saw that Fassett was rewarded by an 

504 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

appointment asj Collector of the Port of New York, 
the most desirable office within the gift of the 
President. 

Fassett's ambition was, however, to be Gov- 
ernor. With misgivings as to its expediency, I 
brought about his nomination in 1891. He was 
defeated, as I feared he would bo. Three years 
later, determined that no risk should be taken in 
the selection of candidates, I picked Levi P. Mor- 
ton for Governor. Fassett protested that he alone 
was entitled to the nomination. He called upon 
me at my Broadway office and rebuked me for 
refusing to give him another chance to run. 

My answer was substantially: ''Sloat, I am as 
fond of you personally as I am of my own sons. 
I cordially appreciate all you have done for the 
party and the organization. You have been fre- 
quently honored by that party. You had a chance 4 
to be Governor two years ago. You failed of 
election. You are young and can afford to wait. 
We cannot take any chances this year. Just be 
patient a while and you will secure a higher honor 
than that of Governor." 

Fassett angrily retorted: *'I will be nominated 
and elected Governor in spite of you. I shall go 
to the State Convention and beat you and Morton 
there." 



r- 



505 



TJtc Autobiographi/ of Thomas CoUlcr Piatt 



HOW THE MORTON CAB CRUSHED HIM 

With this parting fling Fassett rnshed out of 
my presence. He did attend the State Conven- 
tion. But tlie Morton car rolled over him. 

Enraged because of his defeat, Fassett began to 
organize a machine of his own to smash the regu- 
lar organization. I placed Colonel Archie E. 
Baxter in charge of the regular organization 
forces in the Chemung District, and for a number 
of years Fassett was an inconsequential factor in 
politics, where he had been a power. Years 
passed. Fassett finally became tired of being dis- 
ciplined, lie came to me and besought my influ- 
ence to make him a member of the State Commit- 
tee. He promised to "be good," and was made 
a member of the State Committee. Later, he. 
through my influence, was nominated and elected 
to Congress, where he is sitting now. 

Had Fassett kept in the traces in 1894, he un- 
doubtedly would have been nominated and elected 
Governor or Vice-President in 1896. Few inci- 
dents of ray career have given me more pain than 
Fassett's conduct. We are now verv good friends, 
however, and Fassett, I believe, realizes fully as 
well as I do what a blunder he committed in 
proving imgrateful and insubordinate to those 
who did most to elevate him to places of political 
influence and power. 



500 



The AutnhiograpJuj of Thomas Collier Piatt 



MALCONTENTS MUST BE BRUSHED ASIDE 

George William Curtis was one of those who 
stood for a cli(|ne in the party. It was a small 
minority. And yet he urged that it must rule. It 
was repeatedly defeated in the primaries. Again, 
the element led by Curtis many times refused to 
participate in the primaries. Yet it was in at- 
tendance upon party conventions, noisily demand- 
ing recognition and threatening to knife the ticket 
if men were nominated and a platform adopted 
that did not suit it. Naturally, tlie organiza- 
tion resented this and brushed such malcontents 
aside. 

AVilliam H. Robertson and James J. Belden 
were also typical illustrations of the point I de- 
sire to make. Both usually represented a minority 
in the organization or the party. Both were con- 
stantly plotting to force nominations of their own. 
When beaten, they had a habit of returning to 
their districts and rallying their friends, not to 
the support of the regularly selected ticket, but 
to a secret or open support of the Democratic 
nominees. The organization saw to it that after 
his retirement as Collector of the Port of New 
York, Robertson got no further than a seat in 
the State Senate. 

Belden, by the emplojTnent of a fortune, and 
combinations with the Democrats of Onondaga 
County, managed to hold a chair in Congress for 
several terms. But he never advanced beyond 

507 



TJie Aiiiohio graph If of Thomas Collier Plait 

that, and he died at a time when he could not 
control his home district. 

Warner Miller was another who so long as he 
and his friends dominated the organization, was 
merciless in his methods of discipline against any- 
body who disagreed with him. When he became 
a minority leader, he kept conniving against the 
leaders in power, and seemed to prefer that Demo- 
crats should win rather than Republicans he did 
not like. 

WARNER miller's PUNISHMENT 

Men like Titus Sheard, once Speaker of the As- 
sembly, soon got tired of such practices. After 
a few years he succeeded in de]) riving Miller of 
control of his resident Herkimer district. Nor 
did he ever recover it. 

Henry G. Burleigh, popularly known as the 
''Bounding Burleigh," was still another who, 
while his faction was in the ascendancy, was as 
loyal as an}' man could ask to the Republican can- 
didates. But when the organization had others 
than his friends as leaders, somehow the Repub- 
lican vote in Washington County dwindled im- 
measurably. So we had to put Isaac V. Baker in 
Burleigh's place. After that the Republican vote 
in Washington so increased that it became known 
as one of the banner Republican counties of the 
State. 

Jacob Worth, who for years was one of the 
ablest leaders that ever headed the Kings County 

508 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

organization, suddenly imagined that he was big- 
ger than the State organization. He was detected 
getting together a movement for the undoing of 
men responsible for his elevation. That could not 
be tolerated. So the State organization concluded 
to deputize Timothy L. Woodruff to *'cut the 
ground from under Worth's feet." And he did 
so. The change eventually changed Kings County 
from a Deinocratic to a Kepublican stronghold. 

Smith O'Brien for a long time sought to make 
good in Albany County. It ultimately became ap- 
parent that unless a change were made in the 
leadership there, Albany was hopeless. The or- 
ganization chose William Barnes, Jr., as his suc- 
cessor. Almost immediately the young men clus- 
tered about Barnes. They took the county, which 
had been a Democratic Gibraltar almost from 
war days, away from such leaders as David B, 
Hill, Daniel Manning and D. Cady Herrick. For 
nearly a decade it has been as certainly Republi- 
can as St. Lawrence. 

James W. Husted was still another iy^e of man 
who felt himself greater than the organization. 
Wliile Speaker of the Assembly, he affiliated with 
the Half-breeds and fought everything that 
savored of Stalwarts and Stalwartism. AVhen the 
Stalwarts became masters of the organization, 
Husted declined to accept the verdict. He soon 
began to go down, down, down. At his death, he 
could scarcely hold his home district in West- 
chester County. 

509 



21ic Autobiography of Tliomas Collier Piatt 

James M. E. 'Grady, of Monroe, was made 
Speaker of the Assembly by the organization. He 
made up liis mind that he was superior in power 
and intelHgence to the m.en who pnt him there. 
Among these was George AV. Aldridge, leader of 
the Monroe organization. O 'Grady plotted to 
crush Aldridge. Instead, 'Grady was crushed. 
After a brief term in Congress, he was forced out 
of politics as an influential factor. 

BROOKFIELD DIES SHORN OF POWER 

William Brookfield was made chairman of the 
Republican County Committee of New York by 
the organization vote. He was elevated to the 
chairmanship of the State Committee by the same 
element. Then Brookfield sought to deliver the 
organization to men who had fought it most des- 
perately. This the organization would not suf- 
fer. It supplanted him and made Charles AV. 
Hackett State chairman. That ended Brookfield 
politically. He formed several anti-organization 
associations and tried to secure revenge. He 
failed most lamentably. I regret to say that 
Brookfield died without having restored himself 
to the confidence of the leaders who lifted him to 
the high places he once occupied. 

Cornelius N. Bliss once inaugurated a campaign 
against the regulars, too. He began it in New 
York County. After he had it, as he thought, 
pretty well established, it was captured, body and 

510 



The Autohioi^raphi/ of Thomas Collier Flatt 

breeches, by the regular organization. Later, Bliss 
became a good regular. He was made Secretary 
of the Interior by President McKinley. Since his 
retirement from that office he has maintained cor- 
dial relations with the organization powers. 

NO APOLOGIES FOR " MACHINE-MADE " OFFICIALS 

While I was leader, and since, "Goo-Goos" 
seemed to regard it a smart thing to belt the or- 
ganization, or ''machine," as they called it, as 
inherently bad, and incapable of performing pub- 
lic service. My answer to that is that an organiza- 
tion that has given to the nation two such Presi- 
dents as Chester A. Arthur and Theodore Roose- 
velt, ought not to be despised. 

An organization that has given to New York 
State Governors Alonzo B. Cornell, Levi P. Mor- 
ton, Frank S. Black, Theodore Roosevelt, Benj. 
B. Odell, Jr., and Frank W. Iliggins; and such 
Lieutenant-Governors as Charles T. Saxton, Tim- 
othy L. Woodruff, M. Linn Bruce, and Horace 
White, does not need to make apologies. 

An organization that elevated to the Court of 
Appeals Bench such able jurists as Charles J. 
Folger, Charles Andrews, Benj. F. Tracy, Edward 
T. Bartlett, Albert Haight, Celora E. [Martin, Irv- 
ing G. Vann, William E. Werner, Emory A. Chase, 
and Frank H. Hiscock, is surely entitled to the 
commendation of the people. 

An organization that chooses and elects such ex- 

511 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

cellent Supreme Court Justices as John Wood- 
ward, Walter Lloyd Smith, Albert H. Sewell, 
Chester M. McLaughlin, Henry T. Kellogg, Wil- 
liam D. Dickey, Edward B. Thomas, Joseph A. 
Burr, Alden Chester, George F. Lyon, Nathan L. 
Miller, Ilenry B, Coman, Frederick W. Kruse, and 
Alfred Spring, is certainly not lacking in apprecia- 
tion of what is required to insure a correct inter- 
pretation of the laws and absolute equity in their 
dispensation. 

An organization that elects men of the calibre 
and attainments of Edwin D. Morgan, Roscoe 
Conkling, Frank Hiscock, Chauncey M. Depew, 
and Elihu Root to the U. S. Senate, ha-s no atone- 
ment to make. 

An organization that sends to the House of 
Representatives such spokesmen as James S. 
Sherman, now Vice-President; Sereno E. Payne, 
Republican floor-leader of the House of Repre- 
sentatives ; William M. Calder, J. Van Vechten 01- 
cott, Hamilton Fish, Edward B. Vreeland, Michael 
E. Driscoll, Benjamin Fairchild, George N. South- 
wick, John W. Dwight, George R. ^Lilby, of the 
present membership, many of whom have sprung 
into prominence during the jiast twenty years, has 
reason to be proud of its discrimination. 

I think it will hardly be dis])uted that I have had 
something to do with picking out nearly all the 
high officials just cniunerated. And I am not 
ashamed to confess it. 

Nor have I anything to seriously regret in the 

512 



The Autohiographij of Thomas Collier Plait 

shaping of the organization of our State Legisla- 
tures. In 1873 Alonzo B. Cornell was made speak- 
er. He was succeeded by James W. Husted. My 
friends chose George H. Sharpe in 1880 and 1881; 
Titus Sheard in 1884; George Z. Erwin in 1885; 
Fremont Cole in 1888 and 1889; George R. Malby 
in 1894; Hamilton Fish, in 1895-6; James M. E. 
'Grady in 1897-8, and S. Fred. Nixon, who served 
continuously from 1899 to and including 1905. 

With the death of Speaker Nixon, than whom 
few abler men ever presided over the Assembly, I 
ceased interest in officering the Legislature, pre- 
ferring to relegate that task to younger and per- 
haps wiser men. 

FIELD-MARSHALS WHO WERE FAITHFUL. 

I could not forgive myself, did I omit to pro- 
nounce a benediction on some of the field-marshals 
who, in victory or defeat, exhibited fighting quali- 
ties and a devotion that endeared them all to me. 
So many of them have there been, that I confess I 
am in a serious (juandary how to mention any 
without giving the entire roster. With no desire 
nor intent to disparage the invaluable services 
rendered by hundreds, yea, thousands of my 
former lieutenants, I would like to bear witness to 
the skilful and loyal worth of State Chairmen 
Charles W. Hackett, William Brookfield until he 
retired and became County Chairman, and George 
W. Dunn; Executive State Chairman William 

513 



Tlte Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Barnes, Jr.; National Committeemen William A. 
Sutherland, Frederick S. Gibbs, and George R. 
Sheldon; State Committeemen William AV. Wor- 
den, Isaac V. Baker, Louis F. Payn, Cornelius Van 
Cott, Frank Witherbee, J. B. II.' Mongin, John F. 
Parkhurst, and Lemuel Ely Quigg; and these 
chairmen of the New York Countv Committee: 
George R. Bidwell, Charles H. Murray, Jacob M. 
Patterson, Edward Lauterbach, Lemuel E. Quigg, 
Robert C. Morris, and M. Linn Bruce. 

Nor must I forget the unswerving fealty of 
Presidents pro tern, of the Senate Timothy E. 
Ellsworth and John Raines, and the fearless band 
of legislators they so many years led in the upper 
legislative branch; nor Speaker S. Fred Nixon, 

Gen. Clarkson must have had these devoted 
lieutenants in mind when he testified to their high 
class, personal ability and worth. With such 
brainy, true stai¥ officers, what leader could have 
ultimately failed to be successful? 

I have outlived a number of my marshals. Those 
who died ou the field of battle, carried with them 
to the tomb the gratitude of their commander. 

To those who are still on earth, I beg to renew 
my acknowledgments of a loyalty that I shall cher- 
ish until I, too, am summoned hence. 

In concluding these memoirs, I wish to testify 
my heart-felt appreciation of the honor paid me 
by the Republican legislators last January (1909), 
when they so fervently re-echoed the "God bless 
Thomas Collier Piatt!" sentiment uttered by John 

514 



The Autohioirraphi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Eaines, in placing in nomination Elihu Root as 
my successor in the U. S. Senate. 

AMEN ! 

I was more than touched by the demonstration. 
My devout desire is that when I am no longer 
mortal, others than Raines and my Legislative- 
friends can and will sincerely say: "God bless 
Thomas Collier Piatt!" 

In the words of the immortal Lincoln: "With 
malice toward none — with charity for all," I now- 
lay aside my pen. 



FINIS 



515 



ADDENDA 

PLATT, THE PRESIDENT-MAKER AND FINANCIER 

If Eichard Neville, Earl of Warwick, made three 
English kings, Thomas Collier Piatt made four 
Presidents of the United States and four Gov- 
ernors of New York. 

How Piatt did it is revealed in memoirs, which, 
upon his death, March 6 last, he bequeathed to his 
"Old Guard." 

In these memoirs, the American Warwick lays 
bare intrigues contrived by him during fifty-three 
years spent in the political arena. 

He frankly and boldly discloses National and 
State secrets hitherto only dreamed of, except by 
those in his immediate confidence. 

Piatt traces his gradual rise from a Fremont 
campaign troubadour in 1856, to the absolute dic- 
tatorship of the Republican party in the East. 
He tells of the influential leaders he made and 
unmade. 

The crafty methods to which he resorted to 
make Garfield, Harrison, McKinley and Roosevelt 
Presidents; Morton, Black and Odell Governors; 

517 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 



and Roosevelt Governor and Vice-President, are 
disclosed in a unique and masterful manner. 

His quarrels with Presidents Garfield, Hayes 
and Harrison, and Governors Black and Odell, are 
candidly described. 

The humanity of one popularly presumed to be 
merely a cold-blooded, conniving politician is di- 
vulged through the reproduction of songs, poems 
and stories composed and written by him. 

These memoirs had their real inception and in- 
spiration during a visit paid by the writer to 
Senator Piatt in 1904. Then Benjamin B. Odell, 
Jr., had, as he believed, completely crushed the 
leader who had lifted him out of obscurity, twice 
elevated him to the Governorship, and trustfully 
surrendered to him the management of the Repub- 
lican machine. Governor Odell having just driven, 
as he thought, the last nail into Piatt's political 
coffin, by throwing Colonel George W. Dunn, the 
Senator's most loyal friend, out of the chairman- 
ship of the State Committee, and arrogating that 
place to himself, sought to further humiliate his 
erstwhile chief by attempting to force the nomina- 
tion of Joseph G. Cannon, of Illinois, for Vice- 
President. Senator Piatt had, after what he con- 
ceived to be a personal unequivocal pledge of sup- 
port from Odell, guaranteed the vote of the New 

518 



The Autohiographu of Thomas Collier Piatt 

York delegation to the Chicago convention to his 
colleague, Senator Charles W. Fairbanks, of 
Indiana. 

ENRAGED AT ODELL's PERFIDY 

He was inexpressibly grieved, and later en- 
raged, on being apprised that Odell was backing 
for Roosevelt's running mate the present Speaker 
of the House of Representatives. 

**Is this more of Odell's perfidy? Is he not con- 
tent with vears of treacherv to the men who made 
him, and with the accomplishment of their down- 
fall through his usurping the title of Governor- 
Chairman! No matter what Odell may do or say, 
Fairbanks will be nominated for Vice-President," 
was Senator Piatt's furious comment. 

Senator Piatt was then lost in meditation for 
a moment. Turning to the writer, he exclaimed 
impressively: "Some day I intend to tell some 
stories which I would tell now, did I not love the 
Republican party so dearly. My affection for that 
party and its principles, my constant heart-felt 
desire that it shall continue united and harmoni- 
ous, and repeat its victories in State and nation, 
are the sole reasons why I am very unwillingly 
mute at this time. A year hence I may be ready 
to break my silence. Come to me then, and we 

519 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

will get up something that I think will at least 
reveal some political truths and prove interesting 
reading," added Senator Piatt with an emphatic 
nod. 

Piatt went to Chicago and thwarted Odell's ef- 
fort to name Cannon; made certain of Fairbanks* 
Domination, and later threw himself resolutely into 
what proved his final National and State cam- 
paigns. He saw to it that Roosevelt and Fair- 
banks, and Higgins and Bruce, swept the State 
of New York. After that, owing to physical disa- 
bility, he retired from active politics, and con- 
fined himself merely to the performance of his 
duties as Senator and president of the United 
States Express Company. 

During the fall of 1905, Senator Piatt and the 
writer collaborated in preparing the first instal- 
ment of his reminiscences. The copy mysteri- 
ously disappeared from the office of a magazine 
which was to publish them. It was never traced. 
In April of 1909, the Cosmopolitan produced some 
notes from the Piatt scrap-book. 

THE "old guard's" DEMAND 

There followed a fervent and imperative de- 
mand from members of the "Old Guard" that 
the Senator should tell the whole story of his 

520 



TJic .-lui()hiop-(ip]ni of Tito in as Collier Piatt 

career, and make it a legacy to the political war- 
riors wbo had fought and bled with him in his 
fifty years' battle for Republican supremacy. The 
Senator directed me to resume work. At inter- 
vals during eight months, I assisted him in the 
task of preparing this autobiography for print. 
Mr. Piatt had, during the half century he 
figured in political history, preserved reams of 
memoranda dealing with the stirring events in 
which he had been a participant. So numerous 
and so seemingly essential were all the incidents 
the Senator had collected, that the chief embar- 
rassment was how to adequately describe them in 
a single volume. 

Senator Piatt's insistence was that the recol- 
lections should appear in a modest, moderate- 
sized book, as a truthful and accurate narrative 
of the most striking features of his record. A 
complete history would fill many volumes like 
this. It is to be regretted that many experiences, 
because of lack of space, must be overlooked. But 
in granting me the exclusive right to arrange for 
the publication of the book, the Senator said to 
me: 

"Whatever others may say or think, members 
of my 'Old Guard' will, I know, agree that I have 
as concisely as possible recited the truth, and 

521 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

nothing but the truth. The truth requires no 
defense from them, nor from me. The unvar- 
nished facts are here, no matter who may dispute 
them. Please get them before the public with all 
convenient speed." 

Though Senator Piatt devoted many a labori- 
ous hour to writing, rearranging, polishing and 
approving the manuscript, my sincere sorrow is 
that he passed to his Creator before it could be 
circulated in finished book form. His achieve- 
ments were so notable and nation-wide that the 
instant rumor became current that he was about to 
issue his memoirs, a number of magazines and 
other publications sought serial rights. The book 
could not be put out until the serial extracts had 
appeared in print. 

My acquaintance with Senator Piatt really 
began in 1884, though he and my father were in- 
timate when both were residents of Tioga County, 
N. Y. I met him at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, New 
York, a few days prior to the Republican National 
Convention of that year, when I sought from him 
an interview for the New York World as to his 
preference for the Presidency. Senator George F. 
Edmunds, of Vermont; General John A. Logan, 
' of Illinois ; Theodore Roosevelt and George Will- 
iam Curtis, of New York, had just concluded a 

522 



The Autobioffraphi/ of Thomas Collier Flatt 



conference at the Fifth Avenue, and decided that 
the New York delegation must support Edmunds 
and Logan as the ticket to be named at Chicago. 
I had, as had all political reporters of that day, 
formed the opinion that Piatt would support 
Chester A. Arthur for a renomination. He as- 
tounded rae and my fellows by declaring un- 
equivocally for James G. Blaine, of Maine. Piatt 
emphasized this by climbing to the stage of the 
Chicago convention hall and seconding the nomi- 
nation of the '^ Plumed Knight." This act, fol- 
lowed as it was by placing Blaine and Logan in 
the field as the regular Eepublican Presidential 
and Vice-Presidential nominees, in the judgment 
of political writers of the time, did more to clinch 
Piatt's hold on the New York State leadership 
than any other one event. 

"straight news" always from him 

Conkling, because of his hatred for Blaine, per- 
emptorily declined to attend the convention, or to 
in any way aid in the election of the man from 
Maine. Though Blaine was defeated by a very 
small plurality, the loyal organization men ral- 
lied around Piatt, proclaimed him leader, and 
from 1884 to the day of his retirement we news- 
paper men were in the habit of calling on the 

523 



Tlie ^■Lutoh'u)ii:rai)}iii of Thomas Collier Plait 

Senator for straight news about Republican party 
plans and policies. And we always got it straight. 

During the twenty years that Piatt was the ac- 
knowledged and undisputed boss of the Republi- 
can machine, I never knew him to wilfully deceive 
any one. Almost daily, and surely everj^ Sunday, 
when Piatt was in town, it was the custom of New 
York City political writers, and during campaigns 
those from all the great cities in the country, to 
flock to his rooms, 278-280, at the Fifth Avenue, 
or to the "Amen Corner," described in these 
reminiscences, and get from the "boss" the "real 
Republican dope," as the boys stamped it. 

Piatt was to those who secured his confidence 
the most approachable, affable and communica- 
tive political leader one could meet. His fore- 
casts as to nominations of both parties and elec- 
tion results were rarely in error. 

"It's so because the 'old man' says so, and he 
never lies," was the constant aphorism employed 
by newspaper men who frequently sought infor- 
mation from the "boss." 

HOW HE BECAME THE "EASY BOSS" 

Those who labor under the delusion that 
Thomas Collier Piatt was a heartless, calculating 
boss, do not, maybe, recall how he acquired the 

524 



The Auiohwi^raphy of Thomas Collier Piatt 

title of "Easy Boss." The Senator related the 
story to me about the thne he was accused of re- 
lentlessly persecuting Warner Miller, who had 
temporarily supplanted him in the United States 
Senate. 

"I have very sweet authority for the statement 
that I am an 'Easy Boss,' " said the Senator, with 
a happy smile. ''A little news-girl, who said her 
name was Winnie Horn, and who sells papers at 
the West Twenty-third Street station of the 'L' 
road, complained to me one day that an Alderman 
was trying to drive her out of business. I prom- 
ised T would do what I could to help her. I suc- 
ceeded in preventing the removal of her stand. 
Winnie was very grateful. 

*'0n returning from my office one day, I assured 
the girl that everything was all right, and that 
.she would not be disturbed. 

** 'I thank you so much, Senator Piatt,' said 
Winnie jubilantly. 'You're the Easy Boss, all 
right! You're the Boss of the Elephant,' she 
added as she all but hugged me in her happiness. 

" 'My little friend,' T replied, 'I do not know 
that I am the "Boss of the Elephant," but I guess 
you are perfectly right when you say I am an 
"Easy Boss," though it never quite struck me that 
way before.' " 

525 



The Autohiograplii/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Senator Piatt's story soon went the round of 
political circles, and almost from the day he 
uttered it he was popularly referred to as the 
''Easy Boss." 

Possibly William Barnes, Jr., in an editorial 
in the Albany Evening Journal, the day following- 
Senator Piatt's death, best described just why the 
title "Easy Boss" stuck to him to the finish. 

EVER LOYAL AND TRUTHFUL 

Barnes wrote : 

**He was called the 'Easy Boss.' He led only 
in the direction the party was willing to go. He 
gave his party the benefit of his clear judgment, 
developed through the experience of years; but 
he never forced upon it his opinion against its 
will. He was stanchly loyal to all who trusted 
him and were his friends. He was always truth- 
ful. Deceit was foreign to his nature. He gave a 
promise only after deliberation, and then it was 
a bond, never to be defaulted. He knew human 
nature, and shaped his actions by that knowledge. 
His dealings with men were as man to man, on the 
level of equals, never as between one who arro- 
gates to himself a superior plane and arbitrarily 
places others on a plane below. His loyalty, his 
unvarying good faith, his intensely human quali- 

526 



The Autobiographji of Thomas Collier Piatt 

ties — these were the source of such power as he 
wielded, of the influence which he had over men 
and affairs." 

That Piatt was not only an ''Easy Boss," but a 
"Forgiving Boss," and, as General Clarkson 
testifies, "kept no book of hates," is abundantly 
exemplified in his treatment of Kepublicans who 
once execrated him. Theodore Eoosevelt, who 
bitterly fought him from the day he entered poli- 
tics, was made Governor and Vice-President by 
Piatt, and became President through McKinley's 
assassination. Joseph H. Choate, who assailed 
Piatt on and off the stump for fifteen years, was 
indorsed by him for Ambassador to the Court of 
St. James. 

A FOROrVING BOSS, TOO 

Later Piatt, as United States Senator, saw to 
the confirmation of the nomination of Wbitelaw 
Reid to the same post, though Reid had excoriated 
him for years in the New York Tribune. Gen- 
eral Horace Porter, who uttered many a vitriolic 
attack on the Senator, was sent as Ambassador to 
France with his approval. Elihu Root, leader in 
the anti-Platt crusade of the early nineties, be- 
came McKinley's Secretary of War with Piatt's 
approbation, and was Piatt's choice for Governor 

527 



The Autobiographi/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

in 1904, and his successor in the United States 
Senate. 

Though Benjamin B. Odell, Jr., denied and 
sought to crucify his political creator, Piatt for- 
gave him, and they were friends again at least 
three years before the Senator passed away. J. 
Sloat Fassett, who repudiated Piatt in 1894, was 
taken back into his arms, restored to leadership 
in the Chemung-Steuben district, and sent to Con- 
gress, where he still holds a seat. The late Charles 
W. Hackett, right bower of Warner Miller in the 
fight to oust Piatt from the United States Senate 
in 1881, was made Piatt's chairman of the Repub- 
lican State Committee in 1894. Lemuel Ely 
Quigg, once lieutenant for Whitelaw Reid, was 
made a member of Congress and chairman of the 
New York Republican County Committee by Piatt. 
Hamilton Fish, leader of the anti-Platt coterie in 
the Assembly in 1890, became Speaker of that 
House through Piatt's influence in 1895. Cor- 
nelius N. Bliss, foe of Piatt from Half-breed days, 
owed his elevation to the Secretaryship of the 
Interior to the "Easy Boss." Frederick S. Gibbs, 
one of the most rabid anti-Platt rebels in the As- 
sembly of the early nineties, was made National 
Committeeman for New York by Piatt's direction 
in 1896. 

528 



Tlic Auiohioi^rapJuf of Thomas Collier Piatt 

When Piatt did these things, when he took to 
his bosom Republicans who had engineered for- 
midable factional movements in opposition to him, 
he was asked why. His reply was : 

FOR PEACE, IF HE FOUGHT FOR IT 

"There is room in the organization for every 
sincere Republican. The door is wide open and 
will never be closed so long as I am leader. As 
Chauncey M. Depew says: 'I am for peace, if I 
have to fight for it.' " 

A striking instance of Senator Piatt's tender- 
heartedness developed in 1894, when he was ap- 
prised of the illness and financial embarrassment 
of Warner Miller. Miller had supplanted him in 
the United States Senate in 1881. Ever after 
that he had maintained a virulent warfare upon 
him. 

Levi P. Morton had just been elected Governor. 
Piatt was absolute boss. Learning that Miller 
was in the hotel at which he made his home, Piatt 
sent an envoy to him, offered his sincerest sjTn- 
pathy, and asked if he could do anything to al- 
leviate his physical or monetary troubles. Miller, 
in a fury, retorted: "Say to the one who sent 
you that Tom Piatt is the last man in the world 
from whom Warner Miller would accept succor!" 

529 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Piatt swallowed this rebuke good-naturedly and 
instructed his friend to return and say : " If Sena- 
tor Miller declines my proffered sjinpathy and 
financial aid, please tell him that if he will prompt- 
ly suggest what friends he desires aj^pointed to 
office under the Morton administration, I shall 
use such influence as I have with the Governor to 
have his recommendations approved." 

Miller resentfully returned answer that he de- 
sired no help, politically or otherwise, from Piatt. 
Instead of accepting Piatt's overtures of peace, 
Miller, so soon as he recovered his health, resumed 
hostilities with what remained of his meager fol- 
lowing. He assailed Piatt whenever and wherever 
chance offered. Piatt finally concluded that Miller 
was too much of a "blunderbuss' to wield further 
influence in the party. So his friends went to 
work and saw to it that Miller did not even 
represent his home district in the next State 
convention. 

Apropos of jMiller's vindictive conduct. Senator 
Piatt said : **I have been called an amiable cynic. 
I am glad that I have been leader of the Repub- 
lican party, for I have been able to do some kind 
things for Republicans. I never was happier than 
when exercising the power to do kind things for 
Republicans who believed in their party, and who 

530 



TJie Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

were entitled to be rewarded by that party. Those 
who have proved ungrateful and otherwise acted 
badly toward me are far more unhappy over their 
acts than I am." 

GRIEVED BY INGRATITUDE 

I have rarely seen Senator Piatt more mortified 
and grieved than on his seventy-sixth birthday, 
July 15, 1909. Seated amid a bower of roses on 
the porch of his summer home at Freeport, L. I., 
he opened scores of telegrams congratulating him 
upon his anniversary. 

None came from Theodore Roosevelt, whom he 
had nominated for Governor and Vice-President ; 
Levi P. Morton, Frank S. Black, and Benjamin 
B. Odell, Jr., whom he had made Governors ; nor 
from Timothy L. Woodruff, whom for three 
terms he had backed for Lieutenant-Governor, and 
for Governor in 1904. 

Sadly the chief of the Eepublican organization 
observed : 

''No; I have heard nothing from Roosevelt, 
Morton, Black, Odell, nor Woodruff. Roosevelt, I 
presume, is busy shooting lions in Africa. There 
was a day when I would not have to await a mes- 
sage from any one of them. They all used to be 
glad to come and see me, especially when I could 

531 



Vhe Autohiographij of Tlioinas Collier Piatt 

do something for them. But that day has gone. 
It seems to be a part of the political game nowa- 
days to forget one's obligations. I was not 
brought up in that school. 

"I have had my day; others are having theirs. 
When a man has been active in business and poli- 
tics more than a half century, it is time he retired. 
I would have quit many years ago, except that 
each time I contemplated it, some one hit me. 
Then I had to wait until the fellow who hit me 
was tenderly carried to his political grave. 

"But I have outlived hundreds of leaders with 
whom I have fought, beginning with the Fremont 
campaign of 1856 — Lincoln, Grant, Hayes, McKin- 
ley, Reed, Hanna, Quay — oh, so many of them have 
passed to the beyond, and I am still here. And 
I am going to live a hundred years if I can, ' ' added 
the venerable Senator, stretching his tottering 
limbs and striving to arise upon them. 

AS CAMPAIGN FUND COLLECTOR 

Senator Piatt had the reputation of collecting 
more money for political campaign purposes than 
any Kcpublican leader in history, except, perhaps. 
Mark A. Hanna. He used to call himself the ' ' Beg- 
ging Chief." AAHiile acting as the pilot of the New 
York Republican ship, he is believed to havo per- 

532 



The Autohiograpin/ of Thomas Collier Piatt 

sonally received inniiy lumdreds of thousands of 
dollars from busiuess concerns and individuals. 
This money was invariably turned over to the 
campaign managers to limber up the machinery 
and for meeting the expenses of the canvass. Not 
even his most malevolent enemy ever accused 
Senator Piatt of putting a single dollar of such 
contributions into his own pocket. 

Mindful of the attacks made upon the Senator 
when Governor Hughes and the Armstrong Legis- 
lative Committee were probing insurance scan- 
dals, I one day asked him if he would estimate 
the amount of money he had for the previous 
quarter of a century raised for campaign pur- 
poses. He replied that he could form no accurate 
estimate. 

*'But," continued the Senator proudly, "there 
is no man in this world who dare say that I ever 
made a copper out of politics. On the contrary, 
I am much the poorer for my activity in it. Much 
of my private income has been dissipated through 
my desire that members of my party should be 
elected to office. Not even my bitterest enemy— 
and I presume I have had my share of them — 
has ever accused me of receiving or retaining a 
dirty dollar. Much ado has recently been made 
about campaign contributions. Some have gone 

533 



Tlie Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

so far as to ascribe to all those who collected or 
accepted them, not only base motives, but crim- 
inal intent. 

''I am happy to state, that while a few mis- 
guided men have sincerely formed such judgment, 
my experience has been that those most blatant 
in proclaiming this belief either seek to avoid con- 
tributing or are quickest to rush up the back 
stairs, close the door, and seize upon the gifts. 

*'It is absolutely essential to the maintenance 
of a party organization that it shall have adequate 
and available funds. Without them, an organiza- 
tion cannot subsist. It is equally true that can- 
didates for office must have money with which to 
meet the legitimate expenses of the canvass. It 
naturally devolves upon some one in the organiza- 
tion to make certain that the funds are forth- 
coming. 

*'It has so happened, that during my incum- 
bency of the leadership I have been looked to, to 
provide the bulk of the funds. My limited income 
would not permit me to keep replenishing the cam- 
paign chest out of my own pocket. It was there- 
fore a duty and a pleasure, when party exigencies 
arose, to solicit donations from men abundantly 
able to give, and to whose vital interest it was 
that the party supremacy be sustained. 

534 



The Auiobiographu of Thomas Collier Piatt 

**For many years there came to me voluntarily, 
or by request, substantial offerings of financial 
support for the regularly nominated candidates. 
These were immediately turned over to the chair- 
men, secretaries or treasurers of the State and 
County committees. The funds were invariably 
used for legitimate campaign purposes. They 
were employed for the support of headquarters, 
mass meetings, traveling expenses of speakers, 
and the distribution of literature prior to election 
day. On that day they were used to pay watchers 
and bring voters to the polls. How much money 
I have collected, I shall not attempt to estimate. 
It came from everywhere. I did not hesitate to 
accept it from legal corporations, so long as no 
obligations, expressed or implied, were exacted. 
The handling of the money was clways left to the 
State and County committees. My duty was per- 
formed when it was placed in their hands. 

"Within the past three years, laws have been 
enacted whose advocates assert were drawn to 
put an end to bribery at the polls. They pro- 
ceeded upon the theory that wholesale debauchery 
of the electorate had been perpetrated, and that 
the Kepublican and Democratic machines were 
responsible for it. 

**I have no hesitation in saying that since these 

535 



The Autobiographij of TJiomas Collier Piatt 

laws became operative, there has been little less 
corruption of voters than under the old statutes. 
On the contrary, there has been more evasion of 
the laws than ever. The size of campaign funds. 
Presidential, State and city, has diminished but 
slightly. There has been immeasurably more of 
perjury among candidates, who, posing as 're- 
formers,' have sworn that they did not spend a 
single dollar to secure election. 

"The new laws have encouraged candidates to 
refuse to bear their just share of the financial 
burdens, and emboldened them, after election, to 
abjure obligations to those who nominated and 
elected them. My deliberate judgment is, that 
under the laws which ]n'evailed prior to 1907, 
there was far less hypocrisy, subterfuge and chi- 
canery than now." 

HOW HE SAVED ROOSEVELT 

This reminded me of an incident that happened 
just prior to the conclusion of the 1898 campaign. 
Theodore Eoosevelt was the Eepublican candidate 
for Governor. His Democratic opponent was Au- 
gustus Van Wyck. Senator Patrick H. McCarren, 
a past-master in political cunning, managed Van 
Wyck's canvass. He, Richard Croker, William F. 
Sheehan and others had just made a raid on Wall 

536 



The Aiitobiographf/ of Thomas Collier Plait 

Street and aeqiiired what was reported to be the 
biggest bundle of cash raised since Colonel John 
R. Fellows, in 1891, distributed over a quarter of 
a million dollars in the rural districts to clinch the 
election of Roswell P. Flower. 

Colonel Roosevelt learned of this while on an 
up-State stumping tour. Alarmed, he hastened 
to New York City and burst in upon Chairman 
Benjamin B. Odell, Jr., of the Republican State 
Committee. 

"Croker and McCarren are trjang to buy the 
State!" shouted Roosevelt in tones of mingled 
indignation and fright. 

''I know it," replied Odell placidly. 

''Well, what are we going to do about it?" in- 
quired the Rough Rider in a quivering voice. 

"We shall have to raise some more money our- 
selves, or we are licked. Do you know where we 
can get it?" asked Odell. 

''No, I don't," answered Roosevelt helplessly. 

"Well, let's go and see the 'old man.' Perhaps 
he does," suggested Odell. 

The would-be Governor and State chairman 
hastened to Senator Piatt's Fifth Avenue Hotel 
apartments. They apprised the Senator of the. 
desperate situation. 

537 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

''How much money do you need, Ben!" asked 
Senator Piatt of Odell. 

**We require $60,000 at once, or we are 
whipped," was the response. ^ 

"You shall have the $60,000," quietly observed 
the ''old man." 

"Why, where are you going to get it?" queried 
Roosevelt in amazement. 

Piatt took pencil and paper and put down six 
names, headed by J. Pierpont Morgan. 

"Each of these gentlemen will give $10,000. 
That will make up the $60,000," remarked Piatt 
as he read off their names. 

"But I cannot accept contributions from the 
men you mention. Really, I must decline," pro- 
tested Roosevelt. 

"Who is running this campaign?" demanded 
Piatt impatiently. 

"AMiv, vou and Odell are," was the answer. 

"Then I'll go downtown and get the $60,000," 
said Senator Piatt, as he called a cab and hurried 
to the money center. 

He brought back the $60,000. 

Roosevelt defeated Van Wyck by about 17,000 
plurality. But for the fund accumulated by Piatt, 
in the dying hours of the campaign, Croker and 

538 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

McCarren asserted, Van Wyck would have de- 
feated Roosevelt handily. 

That would, of course, have made Roosevelt an 
impos^bility for Vice-President and President. 

Is it any wonder that ''Old Guardsmen" to 
this day maintain: "Piatt saved Roosevelt"? 

GOT ROOSEVELT A FEDERAL JOB 

One of the first assurances Senator Piatt 
received that President McKinley had forgotten 
his offensive opposition to his nomination in 1896, 
and that he desired to recognize him absolutely as 
the chief of the Empire State organization, was 
a request that he indorse Theodore Roosevelt as a 
candidate for Assistant Secretary of the Navy. 
Senator Piatt was fond of relating to his inti- 
mates the peculiar and somewhat amusing circum- 
stances under which Roosevelt himself, though 
he had been his political foe since 1882, came 
to him ''hat-in-hand," in March of 1897, and 
besought him to approve his application for a job 
as first deputy to Secretary of the Navy John 
D. Long. 

"The rare tact and sweetness of President Mc- 
Kinley," began Senator Piatt, "which ultimately 
led to the development of relations of the ut- 
most cordiality between us, became manifest 

539 



The Autohiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

soon after his first inauguration in March, 1897. 
One morning, about March 17, returning to my 
suite in the Arlington Hotel, Washington, from a 
political conference, I found two gentlemen await- 
ing me in my parlor. Their names were John 
Jacob Astor and Theodore Roosevelt. 

NEEDED OFFICE TO MAKE BOTH ENDS MEET 

*' 'Jack' was the spokesman. lie said that 
Theodore wanted a Federal office, and Theodore's 
friends wanted him to have it. Theodore was a 
man of small means. He had never engaged in 
business. He had usually held office throughout 
his mature life. Office-holding was rather essential 
in the way of supplementing his private resources. 
They had just seen the President and found his 
frame of mind to be favorable. But— and here 
was the significant element of Jack's recital — the 
President said he would be pleased to appoint 
Theodore to some office if he could obtain the in- 
dorsement of Senator Piatt. This was the first 
intimation I had received as to the probable atti- 
tude of the President toward the question of New 
York Federal appointments and my relation there- 
to, and it interested me mightily. In fact I could 
hardly believe it. 

**I questioned them closely on this point and 

540 



Tlie Autohiographij of Thomas Collier Piatt 

became convinced that the President had really so 
expressed himself. Finally I said: 

' * ' What office have you in mind ? ' 

''Jack replied: 

'* 'About the only available place seems to be 
the Assistant Secretaryship of the Navy.' 

"My thoughts and expressions ran about like 
this : I do not particularly like Theodore. He has 
been a disturbing element in every situation to 
which he has been a party. I have no reason to 
believe the leopard changes his spots. But he is 
not essentially harmful and can probably do less 
harm to the organization as Assistant Secretary 
of the Navy than in any other office that can be 
named. Moreover, I will see whether the Presi- 
dent means what he says. So I turned to my 
secretary and said: • 

MADE ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF THE NAVY 



li i 



'Albert, write a formal note to the President 
endorsing Theodore Eoosevelt for appointment as 
Assistant Secretary of the Navy.' 

"The President meant what he said. Soon 
thereafter we became fast friends. Only once did 
he affront me, and then innocently, by urging me 
to consent to the nomination of Whitelaw Reid 
as Ambassador to the Court of St. James. The 

541 



Jlie Autobiography of Tliomas Collier Flatt 

name was not sent to the Senate at that time. 
Later, when political conditions were different, 
and when the organization in New York was suf- 
ficiently impregnable to be unaffected by the ap- 
pointment, the nomination was made and con- 
firmed with my approval." 

HOME LIFE 

My friend, Mrs. McGuirk, once wi'ote a story 
entitled, ''Home Life of T. C. Piatt." At the 
risk of being charged with purloining what be- 
longs to her, I take the liberty of reproducing some 
extracts from her very excellent article. Here they 
are: 

His political and domestic life has been more 
closely allied than is common among politicians, 
for only an elevator ride of four stories separates 
Mr. Piatt, the cynosure of the famous Fifth Ave- 
nue Hotel lobby, from Mr. Piatt at home. Down 
in the lobby, everybody can see Mr. Piatt; on the 
fourth floor only a few people have a chance to 
see him. 

The Platts have never maintained a private 
house in New York, and for twelve years have 
made their home at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. A 
suite of four rooms on the Twenty-fourth Street 

542 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Flatt 

corner has been arranged as Mrs. Piatt desired, 
and from their long occupancy the rooms have 
come to possess quite as homelike a feeling as a 
private house could. There is a private hall, sev- 
eral sleeping and dressing rooms, and a corner 
parlor, the windows of which are on the level with 
the Madison Square Roof Garden. The latest 
magazines and books are always to be seen on the 
tables. A few plants and flowers give a touch of 
summer to the heavy furnishings. 

Mr. Piatt is a man of numerous business af- 
fairs, which absorb much time and frequently re- 
quire him to be away on short trips. When he is 
in the city he usually leaves his office in season to 
reach the hotel before six o'clock, and dines with 
Mrs. Piatt half an hour later in the public dining- 
room. Both he and Mrs. Piatt are very demo- 
cratic in their tastes and simple in their mode of 
living. They frequently have members of their 
family or friends at dinner with them. But even 
if they were alone, Mr. Piatt must have plenty to 
think of, for he knows that downstairs in the hotel 
lobby, men have already begun to collect who want 
to see him. 

As soon as dinner is over, he makes his nightly 
appearance in the corridor, when he goes for the 
mail. This is a feature of the lobby. There is 



t/T<J 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Plait 

no ceremony attending- Mr. Piatt's appearance. 
But if he wore a coronet on his head, there "would 
hardly be more individuals waiting for an audi- 
ence. When his tall form comes in sight, a little 
stir usually goes through the place. Those who 
have made appointments reach him first. They 
settle back into the first convenient corner of the 
lobby. Mr. Piatt doesn't smoke or drink, but 
never objects to other men exercising the divine 
right to do as they please. Mr. Piatt rarely 
spends an entire evening in the lobby. He fre- 
quently adjourns to the Republican State Com- 
mittee Headquarters, which are also in the hotel, 
or, what is more frequent, after an hour in the 
lobby he takes the elevator to the fourth floor. 
There is where the convenience of the hotel life 
comes in, for it is an easy matter to make a second 
trip to the lobby if necessary. 

Upstairs, Mrs. Piatt is always waiting for him, 
and hardly a night passes but one of the sons and 
his wife or friends in the hotel call. Mr. Piatt 
is decidedly fond of having people of this kind 
about him. Everybody who has the privilege of 
admittance to the Piatt home circle describes the 
head of the household as a clever, genial, compan- 
ionable host. He has read widelv, and alwavs 
keeps up on current topics. So does Mrs. Piatt. 

544 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

Both have traveled extensively and have the 
faculty of quick observation. Mrs. Piatt is a 
brilliant conversationalist herself, while Mr. 
Piatt has a rare wit of his own. He doesn't prac- 
tice story-tellincc, but in his conversation the hu- 
morous streak appears. An evening with the 
Platts is therefore greatly prized. 

MRS. PLATT's political, SAGACITY 

Few women have such a clear comprehension of 
practical politics as Mrs. Piatt, or so wide a knowl- 
edge of National and State public affairs. Na- 
turally, the atmosphere in the Platts' home at 
times is redolent with politics, and it is fortunate 
for Mrs. Piatt that she does like to watch the 
game. Her husband does not intend that his home 
shall be given over to politics entirely, but during 
heated campaigns it is difficult to keep it out 
altogether. 

But it is as a business woman that Mrs. Piatt 
shines most brightly, and if she had been cast for 
one of the regiment of bread-winners she would 
have been able to buy the best country butter and 
chicken and jam to go with it. However, Mrs. 
Piatt's business abilities are not quite lost to the 
world. She is a successful orange grower, with 
a large plantation in Florida. Not only does she 

545 



The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 



watch the guests about her disposing of fruit from 
her own grove, but one of the swellest and big- 
gest firms of grocers in New York takes all of 
her crop they can get for their most exclusive 
trade. 

It was just bv chance that this side of Mrs. 
Piatt came to light. The Platts were traveling 
slowly through Florida in their private car some 
years ago, when a large orange especially at- 
tracted Mrs. Piatt's admiration. The location was 
beautiful, and the scenery more attractive than 
any other she had ever seen. The grove was a 
fine one of eighteen acres, and Mrs. Piatt became 
its possessor. From that incident dates her busi- 
ness career, and the investment has netted a good 
income. 

She conducts the grove herself, and directs its 
daily operations from this end almost as closely 
as if she were in Florida, where, of course, there 
is a resident overseer. It is a medium-sized grove, 
and has made such progress under her care that 
it is now a show place in the locality. There is a 
small house on the plantation, and Mrs. Piatt 
occupies it for a month or so, late in the winter, 
each year, looking after her interests. Some of 
her sons, with their children, generally visit her, 
and when Mr. Piatt's business permits he con- 

546 



The Autobioi^raphij of Thomas Collier Plait 

trives to join the mistress of the orange grove and 
get a chance at the outdoor life himself. 

Mr. Piatt has a leaning toward country life. 
Four years ago he bought a farm at Highland 
Mills, in Orange County, near the foot of the Cats- 
kills, built a house and prepared to make it his 
summer home. Owing to Mrs. Piatt's health, the 
air was found to disagree with her, and several 
years ago they were compelled to abandon Ridge 
Farm, and it has since been sold. Now the Platts 
move down to the Oriental Hotel, at Manhattan 
Beach, as soon as the weather becomes warm, and 
Mr. Piatt continues to go to the city every day, 
and is at his task summer and winter by nine 
o'clock, in the president's room of the United 
States Express Company. 

A CAMERA EXPERT 

Everybody knows that Mrs. Piatt is an amateur 
photographer, although she has been using the 
camera so long that she slipped out of the amateur 
class some time ago. She has seen many lands 
through the finder of a "kodak" that has always 
accompanied her. The Platts have traveled 
through the West and visited Alaska and the 
Pacific coast. The South is also familiar to them, 



547 



The Autohiographii of Thomas Collier Piatt 

as Mr. Piatt has large interests in Tennessee and 
Alabama. 

Mrs. Piatt has also been through Europe, to 
South America, and even to Patagonia. Owing to 
a stormy passage through the Straits of Magellan, 
they were compelled to land in Patagonia, and 
Mrs. Piatt's only regret now is that she didn't 
have a camera with her then. However, her col- 
lection of photographs is very large and varied. 

THE BUSINESS MAN 

It was not in politics alone that Senator Piatt 
shed luster. He was very potent in the financial 
world, and scored his great triumph there in build- 
ing up the United States Express Company from 
a struggling infant to a great, strong and influ- 
ential transportation line. The Senator had 
planned to prepare for these memoirs a brief his- 
tory of the wonderful development of this cor- 
poration under his administration. Death inter- 
vened before he could complete it. I am indebted 
to his son, Edward T. Piatt, and to the Senator's 
secretary, Mr. Merry, for the following descrip- 
tion of how he created a giant from a mere pigmy : 



548 



The Auiohiographij of Thomas CuUicr Plait 

RESUSCITATION OF THE UNITED STATES EXPRESS CO. 

Commiiuication between the Atlantic seaboard 
of the United States and the territory west of the 
Alleghany Mountains at a very early date fol- 
lowed two main channels, one to the south and 
one to the north. The northern route was through 
the level districts of the Hudson River, Mohawk 
Vallev and along the shores of the Great Lakes; 
through the levels of Indiana and Illinois, and 
across the Mississippi Eiver, into the prairies of 
Iowa. The southern route was compelled to seek 
its outlet over the mountains, reaching finally the 
Ohio Kiver at Pittsburg, and from there on avail- 
ing itself of the more level regions of the Western 
States. 

The stream of emigrants and explorers, on foot 
and on horseback, who passed over these routes 
was succeeded in time by the cumbrous freight 
wagons of the pioneers, and they in time were suc- 
ceeded by rude rafts and flatboats, and ultimately 
by steamboats on the Ohio Kiver, and finally all 
of these were succeeded by railroads. Passing 
rapidly over the intervening time, these two routes 
finally developed two of the largest and most 
prominent express companies of the present day. 
It was in the nature of things that the railroads 

549 



The Autobiographi/ of Tliomas Collier Flatt 

occupying these two main lines of travel should 
ultimately grow into two very large and strongly 
unified and consolidated systems, one for each 
route. The express companies alluded to had 
therefore the advantage of a unity of interests 
from the Atlantic Ocean to the Mississippi River. 
'\^^nle these northern and southern routes were 
developing and extending their lines, there was 
gradually growing between them a series of in- 
termediate lines. Prominent among these lines 
was the Erie Railroad, and following that came 
the Delaware, Lackawanna and Western Railroad, 
originally a local New Jersey road, afterward 
reaching the coal mines of Pennsylvania, and 
finally extending through to Lake Erie. These 
lines having been developed since the first two 
routes named, were also occupied by the two sys- 
tems first mentioned, when the necessity for an 
express development arose. In the lapse of time, 
however, this condition of affairs was unaccepta- 
ble, and in the year 1854 the United States Ex- 
press Company came into existence as a result 
of the demands of the Erie Railroad for an ex- 
press company devoted to its interests. 

The United States Express Company was origi- 
nally formed by the turning over to it of con- 
tracts and rights formerly enjoyed by another 

550 



The Auiobiographii of Thomas Collier Phitt 

express company ou the Erie Railroad and upon 
some connections thereof. For many years the 
United States Express Company was made up 
of the lines of the older companies, which they 
were compelled to relinquish for various reasons. 
At the beginning of its existence, and for some 
time afterward, the mileage of the United States 
Express Company did not exceed 3,000 miles, and 
this was only partly railroad mileage, the other 
part being mileage on the northern lakes. How- 
ever, by the year 1860 this mileage had increased 
to 3.948 miles of railroad; 990 miles of water 
lines; and 672 miles of stage lines — altogether 
5,610 miles. As an illustration of the size of the 
railroads, it may be mentioned that what is known 
as the Rock Island System, which covers to-day 
about 15,000 miles, was at that time known as the 
Chicago and Rock Island Railroad, and was 183 
miles long. The Great Lake Shore System of to- 
day was at that time about 500 miles in extent. 

HOW THE INFANT GREW 

During all these years and up to the time that 
Thomas C. Piatt was elected president, the com- 
pany had existed by sufferance of the two great 
systems heretofore alluded to. 

Mr. Piatt was elected a director and secretary 

551 



Tlie AutohiograpJiij of JViomas Collier Piatt 

of the company on August 1, 1879, and in 1880 
was elected president. From that time on a new- 
era dawned for the United States Express Com- 
pany. While Senator Piatt had a very wholesome 
regard for the strength of his progenitors and 
active rivals, he was merely mastering the situa- 
tion and preparing himself for the future. At the 
time of Mr. Piatt's accession to office, the mileage 
of the company had grown from 5,610 miles to 
about 14,000 miles. This was indeed a fine king- 
dom to occupy. No occasion arose, however, to 
display Mr. Piatt's business sagacity and his un- 
flinching determination to protect the interests 
of his company until it was forced by the extreme 
demands of the Erie Railroad to leave that line. 
It was confidently expected, as a consequence of 
this disaster, that the United States Express Com- 
pany would rapidly disintegrate, because it had 
no means whatever of reaching Buffalo, the north- 
ern routes or outlets to the West being occupied 
by the two great companies first referred to: the 
middle outlet, the Delaware, Lackawanna and 
Western Railroad, being occupied by the Westcott 
Express Company. 

Much to the consternation of the then existing 
management of the Erie Railroad, which believed 
that it had forced the United States Express Com- 



The Aiiiohioii^raphii of Thomas Collier Plait 

pany into a corner from \^liicli it could not escape 
except by the payment of a most exorbitant sum 
of money, Senator Piatt, in the quietest manner 
possible, secured the lines of the Delaware, Lacka- 
wanna and Western Railroad Company, thus ex- 
tricating his company from a position which 
threatened its existence and placing it in a vastly 
stronger position than it had previousl}^ occupied. 
Later, Senator Piatt showed his business insight 
and his ability of quick and accurate judgment 
by the acquisition of the express facilities of the 
lines of the Baltimore and Ohio Railway. It was 
confidently believed, and, in fact, the most boast- 
ful assertions were made, that the Baltimore and 
Ohio must inevitably fall into the hands of one 
of the older companies occupying the southern 
lines, it being considered merely a question of 
time when that company would again operate the 
lines of the Baltimore and Ohio Railway. 

PROTECTED HIS OWN 

Senator Piatt, seeing the vast value of these 
lines to his own company, however, pursued with 
diligence and sagacity negotiations which led to 
their acquisition by the United States Expres^s 
Company in the year 1887. These two occurrences 
of such vast importance dispelled the idea that 

553 



The Autohiographij of Tltamas Collier Piatt 

the United States Express Company any longer 
based its existence upon the sufferance of its 
rivals. And while it, under Senator Piatt's guid- 
ance, always maintained reasonable and friendly 
business relations with its competitors, and strove 
to secure and retain their respect, it, on the other 
hand, pursued an unflinching policy of protection 
to its own interests and the expansion of its own 
lines. 

In the early eighties, when the Rock Island Sys- 
tem had expanded so much that its lines were 
reaching toward the Rocky Mountains, the de- 
mand was made that the United States Express 
Company should not occupy any part of the Rock 
Island System west of the Missouri River. 
Senator Piatt, however, unhesitatingly availed 
himself of the desire of the Rock Island Company 
that but one express company should operate its 
lines, and consequently followed the Rock Island 
through to the Rocky Mountains at Denver and 
occupied all of its subsequent extensions. As 
a consequence of this far-sighted policy, this year 
(1910) the United States Express Company will 
not only occupy the Rock Island, but the St. Louis 
and San Francisco systems as well, thus bringing 
them under one control and adding a stretch of 
about 10,000 miles to its present territory. 

554 



The Autohio^raphij of Thomas Collier Piatt 



THE PIGMY BECOMES A GIANT 

If Senator Piatt was not conspicuous for his 
modesty and silence, but for the opposite qualities, 
he would undoubtedlj^ enjoy more fame, not as a 
politician, nor as a law-maker, but as a business 
man, as a founder, as a promoter and as a pro- 
tector of great business enterprises. His abili- 
ties in that direction, however, are Known only to 
his most intimate friends, and they recognized his 
remarkable powers of judgment and his intuitive 
faculty of deciding upon the best thing at the best 
time. 

There have been but three presidents of the 
United States Express Compny. While both of 
the predecessors of Senator Piatt were most hon- 
orable and estimable gentlemen in every sense of 
the word, it may be said without fear of contra- 
diction that had their successor been a man of 
the same stamp, the United States Express Com- 
pany, had it not been put out of existence, would 
have remained as it always had been, a mere 
creature of sufferance. Under Piatt's direction 
the company has grown in mileage from about 14,- 
000 to approximately 30,000 miles, or consider- 
ably more than doubled itself. 

The influence of President Piatt, however, upon 

555 







The Aidohiography of Thomas Collier Piatt 

the United States Express Company has been so 
strong and the impress of his actions so durable 
that even a casual inspection of the history of the 
company suffices to show that the present position 
of the company is due to the initial ability and 
fidelity of the gentleman who is the subject of 
this work. 

Louis J. Lang. 



556 



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